NEW  MATERIALS  FOR   THE  HISTORY 
OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


TRANSLATED    FROM   DOCUMENTS   IN    THE 
FRENCH  ARCHIVES  AND   EDITED 


BY 


JOHN    DURAND 


NEW  YORK" 
HENRY  HOLT  AND  COMPANY 

1889 


COPYRIGHT,  1889, 

BY 

HENRY    HOLT  &   CO. 


Press  W.  L.   Mershon  &  Co. 
Rahway,  N.  J. 


PREFACE. 


TWO  years  ago  I  had  occasion  to  examine  certain 
documents  on  file  in  the  French  archives  relating  to 
the  American  Revolution,  the  French  agency  in  which 
can  not  be  exaggerated.  I  had  not  read  many  of  them 
before  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  we  were  not  yet 
as  well  informed  about  that  event  as  we  should  be,  a 
conclusion  fully  confirmed  by  a  subsequent  examina 
tion  of  the  various  histories  of  our  country.  France 
furnished  a  large  proportion  of  the  soldiers,  arms, 
officers,  and  military  supplies,  nearly  the  whole  of  the 
navy,  and  most  of  the  credit  and  money  by  which  the 
war  was  successfully  terminated.  The  risk  to  France 
was  great,  the  cost  enormous — amounting  to  twelve 
hundred  and  eighty  million  livres — and  the  effect  on 
the  country  disastrous,  increasing  as  it  did  the  finan 
cial  difficulties  which  led  up  to  the  French  Revolution. 
In  taking  up  the  cause  of  the  American  insurgents 
France  was  obliged,  in  many  respects,  to  control  the 
war,  and  this  necessarily  made  it  a  joint  operation.  Her 
military  and  diplomatic  agents,  consequently,  provide 
us  with  a  mass  of  documents  in  the  shape  of  official  let 
ters  and  reports,  which  serve  as  a  separate  history  of  the 
Revolution,  containing  descriptions  of  men  and  events 


iv  PREFACE. 

from  a  point  of  view  different  from  that  with  which 
we  are  most  familiar.  Hence  the  importance  of  the 
French  archives  in  relation  to  it.  Mr.  Bancroft  says 
(vol.  x.,  p.  349,  foot-note):  "  The  French  archives 
are  rich  in  materials  for  every  branch  of  history.  In 
one  they  are  unique.  The  despatches  of  the  French 
envoys  at  Philadelphia  to  their  government  contain 
the  most  complete  reports  which  exist  of  the  discus 
sions  in  Congress  from  1778  to  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  in  1789.  Congress  sat,  it  is  true,  with 
closed  doors,  but  the  French  ministers  knew  how  to 
obtain  information  on  every  proceeding  that  interested 
their  country." 

But  Mr.  Bancroft's  use  of  these  documents  has  been 
far  from  exhaustive.  There  will  here  be  found 
much  in  the  correspondence  of  Gerard  de  Rayneval 
and  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  not  hitherto  acces 
sible,  which  seems  to  me  of  the  highest  importance. 
It  throws  new  light  on  two  subjects  of  special  interest, 
the  hitherto  secret  debates  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  and  the  Cabal  against  Washington,  as  well  as  on 
the  schemes  of  the  politicians  of  the  day  who  prevented 
an  energetic  prosecution  of  the  war.  De  Rayneval 
was  the  first  and  de  la  Luzerne  the  second  French 
minister  sent  to  this  country  after  the  signing  of  the 
treaty  of  alliance  with  France.  They  enjoyed  the  priv 
ilege  of  being  present  at  the  sessions  of  the  Continental 
Congress  when  it  sat  in  committee  of  the  whole  and 
French  interests  were  at  stake.  There  are  editions  of 
the  Acts  of  the  Congress,  called  the  "Journal,"  but  I 


PREFA  CE.  V 

have  not  been  able  thus  far  to  learn  of  any  other 
record  of  the  Debates  than  that  which  is  supplied  by 
the  official  correspondence  of  these  ministers.  In  any 
event,  their  letters  give  information  of  special  value, 
and  seem  to  me  to  add  picturesqueness  and  dramatic 
interest  to  the  American  history  of  this  epoch. 

I  have  also  thought  it  worth  while  to  include  some 
points  not  before  published  in  English  regarding 
Beaumarchais.  To  accepted  facts  taken  from  the 
"  Hist oi re  tie  la  Vie  et  ties  Temps  de Beaumarchais"  by 
M.  de  Lomenie,  I  have  added  some  matter  entirely 
new  from  Gudin's  biography  just  published,  and 
some  original  material  furnished  me  by  M.  Lintil- 
hac,  author  of  li  Beaumarchais  et  ses  (Euvres"  This 
material  sets  the  character  of  Beaumarchais  in  a 
light  new  to  American  readers  and  strongly  appeals 
to  their  sympathies.  In  de  Lomenie's  work,  of  which 
there  is  an  English  translation,  the  relations  of 
Beaumarchais  with  America  are  so  involved  with 
other  subjects  as  to  render  the  idea  there  given  of 
his  services  to  this  country  confused  and  inadequate. 

The  reader  will  find,  in  the  correspondence  of  the 
French  ministers,  some  passages  relating  to  the 
character  and  career  of  Thomas  Paine;  also  in  the 
Appendix  a  remarkable  letter  by  the  author  of  "  Com 
mon  Sense,"  addressed  to  Danton,  and  here  published 
in  full  for  the  first  time.  This  letter  is  quoted  in  part 
by  M.  Taine,  in  his  treatise  on  the  French  Revolution, 
and  I  am  indebted  to  him  for  the  copy. 

I   have  also  to   acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to 


vi  PREFACE. 

M.  Doniol,  author  of  the  "  Histoire  de  la  partici 
pation  de  la  France  a  £  e'talnissement  des  Etats-  Unis 
cTAme'rique,  Correspondence  diplomatique*  et documents" 
(an  extensive  work  not  yet  completed),  for  special 
information  and  for  the  use  of  documents  in  his 
possession.  I  am  also  specially  indebted  to  M. 
Lintilhac,  for  a  copy  of  the  original  manuscript  of 
the  important  letter  by  Beaumarchais  translated  and 
given  on  page  59  and  following  pages,  now  published 
for  the  first  time;  and  to  Mr.  Henry  Vignaud,  First 
Secretary  of  the  American  Legation  at  Paris,  for  the 
privilege  of  consulting  his  valuable  library  of  American 
history;  and,  again,  to  Mr.  B.  F.  Stevens,  of  London, 
who  is  now,  and  has  been  for  years,  engaged  in  com 
piling  a  catalogue  of  all  original  documents  in  Euro 
pean  archives  relating  to  American  history,  a  work 
which  must  prove  of  the  greatest  value  to  all  seekers 
for  historic  truth. 

J.  D. 
PARIS,  November  20,  1888. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

PREFACE,        .......       iii 

BONYOULOIR,         ......  I 

CHARACTERISTICS    OF    STATES    AND    SENTIMENTS  OF   THE 

PEOPLE,  .  .  .  .  .  .17 

THE  COUNT  UE  VERGENNF.S,       ....  31 

BEAUMARCHAIS,          .  .  .  .  .  38 

LOUIS    XVI.    AND    THE    PRESSURE    ON    THE    KlNG,  44 

THE  SERVICES  OF  BEAUMARCIIAIS,  .  .  -87 

THE  TREATY  OF  BEAUMARCIIAIS,  .  .  .  105 

BEAUMARCHAIS'S  CONTRACT  WITH   THE    UNITED  STATES,      119 
THE  ENEMIES  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS,          .  .  .  143 

SETTLEMENT    OF  BEAUMARCHAIS'S    CLAIMS   AGAINST   THE 

UNITED  STATES,  .  .  .  .  .151 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  GERARD  DE  RAYNEVAL — THE  QUA 
KERS — THE  CABAL  AGAINST  WASHINGTON — SAMUEL 
ADAMS — ARTHUR  LEE,  ETC.,  .  .  .  161 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  THE  CHEVALIER  DE  LA  LUZERNE — 

THE  ARMY  AT  VALLEY  FORGE,  ETC.,  .  .215 

APPENDIX  : 

TOM  PAINE,  .  .  .  .  .257 

THE  DAUGHTER  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS,  .  .     267 

ANONYMOUS  LETTER  TO  FRANKLIN,  .  .          273 

INDEX,  .......     293 

vii 


NEW    MATERIALS     FOR    THE    HISTORY    OF 
THE   AMERICAN   REVOLUTION. 


I. 
BONVOULO1R. 

\  FRENCH  gentleman  named  Bonvouloir,  a  sort 
1\  of  attache  to  a  regiment,  and  obliged  to  leave 
St.  Domingo  on  account  of  ill  health,  passed  through 
the  United  States  during  the  early  stages  of  the 
colonial  rebellion.  While  in  the  country,  he  became 
familiar  with  the  political  sentiments  of  the  people, 
and,  on  returning  home,  imparted  the  information  he 
had  obtained  to  the  French  authorities.  Further  in 
formation  being  required,  the  French  minister  at 
London  sent  Bonvouloir  back  to  the  colonies  for  that 
purpose,  with  strict  instructions,  prescribed  by  the 
Count  de  Vergennes,  not  to  commit  the  government. 
"  He  must  not  look  for  any  protection  from  us  should 
he  draw  down  upon  himself  the  animadversions  of 
the  English."  Bonvouloir  sailed  accordingly  for 
America  early  in  1775,  tinder  the  guise  of  an  Ant 
werp  merchant,  and  reached  Philadelphia  after  a 
perilous  voyage  of  one  hundred  days.  Just  before 
his  arrival  the  Continental  Congress  had  appointed 
a  Committee  on  Secret  Correspondence,  with  the 


2  BONVOULOIR, 

members  of  which  he  naturally  entered  into  relations, 
but  in  a  covert  manner  so  as  not  to  attract  observa 
tion.  His  report  of  his  conferences  with  this  com 
mittee,  dated  December  28,  1775,  one  of  the  early 
documents  concerning  French  intervention,  is  as 
follows  : 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  December  28,  1775. 
"  I    find    this    country,    as    I    expected,   in    an 
inconceivable   state    of    agitation.       The   confed 
erates  are  making  immense  preparations  for  next 
spring,  and,  in   spite   of  the   severe  weather,   are 
continuing  the  campaign.      They  have   besieged 
Montreal,   which    has    capitulated,  and    are    now 
before    Quebec,  which   I    think  will   soon   do   the 
same.     They   have   taken    possession   of  some  of 
the  (English)  King's  vessels,  loaded  with  supplies 
and    war    material.      They    are    well    entrenched 
around    Boston,  and  are   now^  getting  up  a  small 
navy;  their  ardor  and  determination  are  incredi 
ble.     It  is  true  that  they  are  led  by  clever  men. . 
They  lack  three  important  things,  a  good  navy,! 
provisions,  and   money;  they  agree   with   me   in, 
that.     I  am  going  to  give  you  an  account,  word' 
for  word,  of  three   special   conversations  I   have 
had   with    Mr.    Franklin   and   three   other   sound 
heads    composing   this    privy    council.       I    have 


BONVOULOIR.  3 

become  intimate  with  them  as  a  private  individ 
ual,  through  an  honest  Frenchman  of  whom  I 
am  sure  and  who  has  largely  won  the  confidence 
of  the  deputies.  The  name  of  this  Frenchman 
is  Daymons.  I  recommend  him  to  you.  He  is 
city  librarian. 

"  I  have  made  no  offers  to  them,  absolutely 
none,  merely  promising  to  do  everything  for 
them  that  depended  oil  me  personally,  without 
committing  myself,  and  without  guaranteeing  con 
sequences  in  any  fashion  whatever,  and  by  means 
of  my  own  acquaintances  without  imparting  to 
these  anything  confidential. 

"  They  wanted  to  know  if  France  would  help 
them,  and  on  what  conditions.  I  replied  that  I 
thought  France  wished  tJiem  well ;  whether  she 
would  aid  them,  that  might  happen.  On  what 
basis,  I  knew  nothing;  but  that  if  this  should 
come  about  it  would  certainly  be  on  just  and 
Equitable  terms.  Morover,  if  they  deemed  it  ap- 
S'opos,  they  might  make  their  proposals  ;  that  I 
had  reliable  acquaintances  and  would  undertake 

to  present  their  claims  and  nothing  more. 
j 

'  They  wanted  to  know  if  I  thought  it  prudent 

in   them   to   send   a  deputy  with  full   powers  to 


4  BON  VOU  LOIR. 

France.  I  replied  that  this  seemed  to  me  precip 
itous,  and  even  hazardous;  that  everything  that 
took  place  either  in  London  or  in  France  got  to 
be  known  in  both  places,  and  that  it  was  slippery 
business  in  the  face  of  the  English;  that  if  they 
wanted  me  to  do  anything  I  might  pcrJiaps  ob 
tain  a  response  which  would  determine  what 
course  to  pursue  ;  that,  in  other  respects,  I 
would  give  no  advice  whatever ;  that  I  was  a 
private  individual,  a  traveler  out  of  curiosity. 
But  I  should  be  much  pleased  if,  by  means  of 
my  acquaintances )  I  could  be  of  any  service  to 
them;  that  I  would  not  expose  them,  nor  my 
self,  nor  anybody  ;  that  matters  of  this  kind  were 
too  delicate  to  be  spoken  of  indiscreetly,  espe 
cially  by  one  having  no  right,  nor  any  power ; 
that  I  could  guarantee  only  one  thing,  and  that 
was  not  to  betray  confidence. 

''This  secret  council  is  composed  of  five  mem-  j 
bers,  whose  names  I  will  give  you  at  the  end  of 
this  letter  ;   everything  they  do  is  well  done,  and 
necessarily   without   the    sanction    of    Congress/ 
which   is   numerous,   and     in    which    many  false; 
brethren  have  found  their  way.     One  was  discov-  \ 
ered  a  few  days  ago,    and   he  has  escaped  pun-  j 


BONVOULOIR.  5 

ishmcnt  by  flight.  I  have  had  frequent  inter 
views  with  them  in  a  private  capacity.  Each 
comes  to  the  place  indicated  in  the  dark,  by  dif 
ferent  roads.  They  have  given  me  their  confi 
dence,  after  having  stated  that  I  would  neither 
promise,  offer,  or  be  responsible  for  anything,  and 
with  repeated  assurances  that  I  would  act  as  a 
friendly  individual. 

"  The  following  is  the  result  of  our  interviews, 
they  themselves  having  charged  me  to  report 
them  to  my  acquaintances,  as  well  as  all  that  are 
to  come,  and  even  the  state  of  their  affairs,  with 
out  asking  me  to  whom,  how,  or  when  I  should 
write,  regarding  me  as  a  private  individual  en 
joying  their  confidence. 

"  I.  Their  affairs  are  in  a  good  state.  .  .  . 
They  calculate  on  opening  the  campaign  with 
success.  I  have  just  learned  that  the  savages  of 
five  nations  have  sent  their  chiefs  to  the  general 
assembly  (Congress)  to  assure  it  that  they  would 
remain  neutral,  but,  nevertheless,  if  the  occasion 
demanded,  they  would  take  up  arms  for  the 
Americans  ;  they  are  powerful,  to  be  feared,  and 
have  been  won  over  only  by  presents.  Lord 
Dunmore,  commanding  in  Virginia,  had  sue- 


6  BONVOULOIR. 

ceeded  in  forming  a  tolerably  large  party  ;  he 
had  issued  a  proclamation  giving  freedom  to  the 
negroes,  and  had  already  got  possession  of  Nor 
folk,  where  he  fortified  himself.  The  Virginians, 
supported  by  a  few  companies  of  Carolina  mili 
tia,  have  beaten  him  at  three  different  times,  re 
taken  Norfolk,  ruined  the  fortifications,  and 
obliged  Dunmore  to  withdraw  on  board  of  the 
King's  vessels,  ten  or  twelve  miles  distant  from 
the  town,  where  they  are  going  to  attack  him  if 
the  ice  permits.  The  Royalists  have  set  out  for 
New  York  to  blockade  it.  General  Lee  is  actu 
ally  on  the  way  there  with  five  thousand  men. 

"They  are  satisfied  they  can  not  maintain 
themselves  unless  some  nation  protects  them  by 
sea  ;  that  two  powers  alone,  France  and  Spain, 
are  able  to  help  them,  but  that  they  see  the  dif 
ference  between  one  and  the  other.  I  dexter 
ously  managed  to  make  them  feel  the  superior 
ity  in  every  way  of  the  King,  my  master,  over 
Spain,  and  they  are  convinced  of  it  ;  they  have 
even  determined,  I  think,  for  a  long  time,  per 
haps,  to  appeal  to  His  Majesty.  But  it  is  evi 
dent  to  me  that  they  want  to  wait  until  |he 
opening  of  the  campaign,  for  the  reason  that  a 


BOXVOULOIR.  7 

good  many  in  the  country  still  adhere  to  the 
King  (of  England)  who  has  not  yet  done  them 
sufficient  harm.  It  would  probably  excite  un 
easiness  to  have  a  foreign  nation  interfere. 
Their  object  is  to  bring  people  over  and  make 
them  feel  the  necessity  of  being  helped,  and  I 
think  that  they  are  wise.  They  expect  to  have 
their  towns  destroyed  and  their  houses  burnt:, 
which  will  ensure  abhorrence  of  the  leopards.* 
They  are  to  send  ivitJiout  my  advice  a  vessel  to 
Nantes  called  the  "  John"  or  the  "  Saint  John, " 
captain  Charles  Forest,  consigned  to  M.  John 
Daniel  Schweighauser,  which  will  take  my  let 
ter.  I  have  myself  put  a  man  aboard  who  I 
know  is  safe  ;  otherwise  I  should  write  by  an 
other  channel  ;  it  is  very  important  that  not  a 
word  should  escape  you.  The  following  are 
their  demands  which  they  beg  me  to  present  for 
them.  The  vessel  is  loaded  with  flour  and  other 
produce  of  the  country,  which  they  want  to  ex 
change  for  another  sort  of  article. f  As  the  im 
ported  cargo  will  probably  exceed  the  exported 
cargo,  they  desire  that  it  should  be  complete  and 


+  *  Meaning  the  English  coat  of  arms, 
f  War  material. 


BOXVOULOIR. 

the  surplus  be  allowed  to  pass  on  to  St.  Domin 
go,  to  such  persons  and  places  as  may  be  indi 
cated,  and  that  the  payment  for  it  be  made  in 
products  of  the  country,  as  they  have  no  coin. 
If  there  is  any  way  of  shipping  the  same  species 
of  merchandise  to  different  places  in  St.  Do 
mingo,  my  correspondents  would  go  for  it  there 
at  their  own  risk  and  peril.  They  would  like 
two  men  capable  of  managing  fortifications.  If 
they  should  come  they  would  be  sent  for  at 
Cape  Francis,  which  is  the  safest  way  for  them 
to  reach  this  place,  because,  if  anything  should 
happen,  they  would  run  no  risk,  as  the  inhab 
itants  of  these  torrid  countries  often  come  here 
on  account  of  their  health.  Such  are  their  pres 
ent  needs,  they  paying  all  expenses,  and  they 
beg  me  to  make  them  known  to  my  acquaint 
ances.  I  would  offer  my  insignificant  talent  as 
engineer,  but  I  can  not  remain  at  rest,  being 
obliged  to  stir  about  daily. 

You  will  hear  from  me  as  often  as  possible  ;  I 
shall  report  strictly  all  that  transpires.  They  are 
themselves  well  satisfied  of  the  good-feeling  of 
France  toward  them,  and  have  begged  me,  in 
case  I  have  reliable  acquaintances,  to  inform 


BONVOULOIR.  9 

them  of  what  concerns  them,  which  I  have  prom 
ised  to  do  and  nothing  more. 

"  If  you  think  it  best,  despatch  our  vessel  at 
once.  Time  presses.  My  envoy  has  orders,  in 
case  of  pursuit,  to  throw  his  papers  overboard. 
You  can  reply  through  him  in  perfect  security 
according  to  the  address  given  in  my  letter. 
Please  write  in  my  name  to  M.  Buffon,  merchant 
at  Havre,  for  two  trunks  belonging  to  me  which 
were  to  be  addressed  to  him  ;  they  are  of  great 
value  to  me,  as  this  country  is  a  dear  one.  I  am 
obliged  to  disburse  money  secretly,  and  I  econo 
mize  only  for  myself.  ...  I  have  the  honor  to 
repeat  that  I  have  made  no  advances,  nor  given 
any  guarantee,  absolutely  nothing.  They  have 
great  confidence  in  me.  No  questions  have  been 
asked  in  any  fashion  whatever  to  whom,  or 
where,  I  might  address  myself. 

"  Everybody  here  is  a  soldier.  The  troops  are 
well  clothed,  well  paid,  and  and  well  commanded. 
They  have  about  fifty  thousand  men  under  pay 
and  a  large  number  of  volunteers  who  do  not 
want  pay.  You  can  judge  whether  people  of 
this  stamp  will  fight. 


io  BONVOULOIR. 

"  I  have  full  knowledge  of  all  that  passes, 
everything  the  most  secret,  and  their  delibera 
tions  are  communicated  to  me  ;  by  flattering 
them,  and  showing  my  hand  a  little,  I  can  do 
what  I  please  with  them.  All  have  told  me  that 
they  are  contending  for  freedom  and  this  they 
would  have  at  any  price  ;  that  they  were  bound 
by  oath,  and  would  be  cut  to  pieces  rather  than 
yield  ;  that  they  well  knew  they  could  not  main 
tain  themselves  by  sea,  and  that  France  alone 
was  able  to  protect  their  commerce,  without 
which  their  country  would  not  flourish  ;  that 
they  were  ignorant  whether,  in  case  proposals 
should  be  made,  France  would  be  content  with 
an  exclusive  trade  for  a  certain  period  as  indem 
nity  for  the  expenses  she  would  be  under  on 
their  account  ;  that  they  could  pay  by  a  neutral 
ity,  even  with  a  little  help,  in  case  of  war 
between  the  two  nations,  and  by  inviolable 
attachment,  in  which  they  would  never  fail. 

"  I  replied  that  this  did  not  concern  me  ;  that 
they  were  cautious  and  wise,  and  would  consider 
their  own  interests,  but  that  when  one  asks  one 
does  not  always  lay  down  the  law.  They  are 
more  powerful  than  is  supposed.  You  can  not 


BONVOULOIR.  II 

imagine  it,  and  it  would  surprise  you.  They 
are  afraid  of  nothing — depend  on  that.  It  is 
rumored  that  two  French  officers  have  arrived  in 
camp  empowered  to  make  proposals.  I  have 
been  asked  what  I  thought  of  this.  I  replied  that 
I  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  that  it  seemed  to  me 
strange  ;  France  was  very  powerful,  and,  far  from 
making  offers,  she  did  not  even  grant  all  that 
was  asked  of  her. 

"  You  shall  be  informed  of  all  that  occurs  and 
have  no  false  reports  from  me  ....  Nobody 
will  become  more  confidential  with  them  than 
myself,  nor  will  manage  them  better.  I  shall 
keep  you  informed  of  their  deliberations  with 
which  I  am  familiar;  but  at  present  they  are 
concerned  only  with  the  ways  and  means  of  pro 
curing  munitions." 

''Along  time  has  passed  without  writing  to 
you.  It  is  not  my  fault.  The  passage  was 
frightful.  We  were  at  sea  one  hundred  days, 
and  thought  we  were  lost  a  dozen  times.  We 
were  reduced  to  two  sea-biscuits  a  day  which 
were  worm-eaten,  a  small  piece  of  corned  beef 
with  a  small  quantity  of  foul  water,  and  nothing 
more,  while  we  made  forty  tons  of  water  every 


12  BONVOULOIR. 

twenty-four  hours.     Pay   particular  attention  to 
the  underlined  passages  in  my  letter. 

P.S.  I  have  just  learned  that  the  Royalists 
are  about  to  evacuate  Boston,  where  they  have 
only  one  month's  supplies  and  can  receive  no 
more.  Everything  is  intercepted,  and  the  inhabit 
ants  as  well  as  the  troops  are  reduced  to  a  fright 
ful  extremity.  Can  you  oblige  me  by  sending 
me  a  case  of  mathematical  instruments  with  a 
treatise  on  fortifications  and  on  the  attack  and 
defense  of  places  by  M.  Vauban  ?  It  will  prove 
useful  to  me,  as  one  cannot  be  found  here.  I  am 
working  day  and  night,  only  too  happy  if  I  suc 
ceed.  I  begin  to  speak  English  quite  well. 

"  Here  is  the  note  I  mentioned,  the  original  of 
which,  in  the  handwriting  of  these  gentlemen,  I 
keep : 

"  l  M.de  B.  .  .  .  is  requested  by  the  Secret  Coun 
cil  to  consider  and  reply  to  the  following  proposi 
tions.  It  is  understood  that  they  are  not  bind 
ing  and  wholly  between  private  parties. 

" '  To  wit, 

"*i.  Can  he  inform  us  what  the  disposition 
of  the  Court  of  France  is  toward  the  Colonies  of 


BONVOULOIR.  13 

North  America  ;  whether  it  is  favorable,  and  in 
what  way  we  can  be  reliably  assured  of  this  ? 

"  '  2.  Can  we  obtain  from  France  two  skillful 
faithful,  well-recommended  engineers,  and  what 
steps  must  be  taken  to  procure  them  ? 

"  '  3.  Can  we  have  arms  and  other  war  sup 
plies  direct  from  France  in  exchange  for  the 
products  of  our  country,  and  be  allowed  free 
entrance  and  exit  to  French  harbors? 

"  '  M.  de  B.  .  .  .  may  rest  assured  that,  if  by  his 
means  we  are  favorably  heard,  we  shall  repose  in 
him  all  the  confidence  that  can  be  awarded  to  a 
man  of  distinction  whose  kindness  toward  us  has 
not  yet  been  recognized  with  sufficient  gratitude.' 

"  The  following  is  my  answer.  If  this  should 
succeed  (so  they  told  a  person  from  whom  I 
know  all  that  passes),  they  would  regard  me  as 
one  of  the  members  of  their  Committee  and 
would  do  nothing  without  my  advice.  They 
regard  me  as  their  liberator. 

"  M.  de  B.  .  .  .'s  answer  to  the  note  of  the 
Secret  Council : 

"  '  I  reply,  gentlemen,  to  what  you  do  me  the 
honor  to  ask  of  me  as  positively  as  possible  ;  and 
will  enlighten  you  to  the  full  extent  of  the  in- 


'4 

formation  which  a  private  individual  can  possess 
who  IMS  nothing  to  do  \\ith  the  attairs  <>l  a  min 
istry,  hut  according  to  what  1  conjecture,  public 
rumors,  and  wh.it  my  acquaintances  think'. 

"  '  1.  You  ask  what  .ire  the  intentions  ot 
France  with  regard  to  the  American  colonies. 
1  do  not  think  that  I  say  too  much  in  telling  you 
that  she  wishes  you  well,  and  that,  //  i.<  inv  /v//<'/, 
she  has  entertained  tor  you  nothing  but  good 
will.  In  other  respects,  the  best  way  to  obtain 
reliable  assurance  ot"  anybody's  disposition  is  to 
address  him  directly.  It  is  a  ha/.ardous  step  to 
take,  and  demands  a  good  deal  of  consideration  ; 
1  do  not  advise  you  one  way  or  the  other.  1  can 
not  undertake  it  myself.  The  affair  is  too 
delicate. 

111 2.  France  is  able  to  furnish  you  with  two 
good  engineers,  and  even  more.  You  have  onlv 
to  ask  tor  them.  1  have  done  this  for  you.  gen 
tlemen,  without  promising  you  success,  although 
I  anticipate  it,  having  excellent  correspondents. 
'  3.  Whether  you  can  procure  arms  and  other 
munitions  directly  in  France,  in  exchange  for 
your  produce?  This  is  a  matter  between  one 
merchant  and  another,  and  I  see  no  ^reat  difti- 


culty  about  it  in  France.  I  will  even  give  you 
the  addresses  of  some  good  correspondents  with 
out  assuming  any  responsibility.  You  undertake 
this  at  your  o\vn  risk  and  peril,  for  it  is  probable 
that  England  will  not  remain  quiet,  and  you  can 
not  expect  to  be  defended.  In  any  event,  I  do 
not  recommend  you  to  ship  all  to  the  same  port. 
It  might  make  a  noise.  I  do  not  know  if  free 
entrance  and  exit  in  French  ports  will  be  allowed 
you.  That  would  be  openly  declaring  for  you, 
and  war  might  ensue.  Perhaps  they  would  shut 
their  eyes,  which  is  just  what  you  want.  I  have 
the  honor  to  repeat  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  I  am 
not  responsible  for  anything.  I  am  personally  of 
no  account ;  I  have  good  acquaintances,  and  that 
is  all.  If  I  am  so  fortunate  as  to  succeed  I  shall 
be  more  than  compensated  in  the  honor  of  your 
confidence  and  the  pleasure  of  serving  you." 

"  I  have  just  learned  that  they  have  taken  two 
transport  ships  richly  laden,  but  that  they  have 
lost  one  of  their  privateers.  By  next  April  they 
will  have  thirty  ships  of  war  of  from  twelve  to 
forty  cannon.  They  have  abandoned  the  English 
flag  and  taken  the  rattlesnake  for  their  arms,  one 
of  thirteen  rattles  along  with  the  arm  of  a  man 


1 6  BOXVOULOIR. 

holding  thirteen  arrows,  representing  the  thirteen 
united  colonies  of  the  continent.  The  Royalists 
have  sent  the  American  prisoners  to  London. 
General  Washington,  who  had  sent  a  flag  to  de 
mand  their  exchange,  to  which  a  very  rude  answer 
was  given,  declared  that  if  the  prisoners  were  not 
well  treated,  he  would  retaliate  on  nearly  three 
thousand  which  he  had  taken,  and  nearly  all  of 
them  officers. 

"The  savages  who  sent  their  chiefs  to  Congress 
and  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  Americans, 
are  as  follows  :  the  Tuscaroras,  Senecas,  Ononda- 
gas,  Mohawks  and  Caytigas. 

"  The  names  of  the  Committee  on  Secret  Cor 
respondence  are  Messrs.  Franklin,  Harrison, 
Johnson,  Dickinson  and  Jay." 

This  despatch  reached  France  in  1776,  too  late  to 
be  of  much  use  ;  it  simply  confirmed  what  the  gov 
ernment  knew  already.  Silas  Deane,  in  the  mean 
time,  had  arrived  at  Paris,  duly  authorized  to  enter 
into  negotiations  with  the  government,  which  ren 
dered  the  services  of  special  emissaries  unnecessary-. 


II. 

CHARACTERISTICS   OF   THE    STATES    AND 
SENTIMENTS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

'T^HE  following  report,  setting  forth  the  character- 
1  istics  of  the  various  colonies  in  America,  the 
sentiments  of  their  populations,  and  the  financial 
and  political  state  of  things  generally,  is,  apparently, 
by  a  French  officer  belonging  to  one  of  the  first 
detachments  of  the  regular  army  sent  over  by  the 
French  government,  about  the  period  of  the  signing 
of  the  treaty  of  alliance.  The  writer  remained  in  the 
country,  it  seems,  only  a  year,  being  obliged  to  return 
to  France  in  1779,  on  account  of  ill  health.  His 
report,  addressed  to  a  superior  officer,  was  written  on 
reaching  Paris,  "  in  a  filibustering  style,"  he  says,  but 
with  ''the  most  impartial  veracity." 

Xe\v  Hampshire  is  the  first  State  he  considers. 
This  State  "  is  scarcely  of  any  account  in  the 
Confederacy  ;  her  assemblies  echo  those  of  Mas 
sachusetts.  Far  from  being  sufferers,  the  people 
have  enriched  themselves  by  captures.  The 
Penobscot  affair,  which  brought  them  in  contact 
with  the  English,  has  more  irritated  than  fright- 

17 


1  8          CHA RAC TERIS TICS   OF    7' HE    S 7 'A  7 'E .V, 

ened  them.  They  have  encountered  but  few 
Frenchmen,  and  like  them  better.  Their  grati 
tude  to  the  nation  has  not  been  affected  by  the 
imprudence  of  individuals." 

As  to  Massachusetts,  "  Boston  is  the  head  and 
heart.  The  French  here  are  more  liked  than 
esteemed,  being  viewed  pedler  fashion,  as  so  many 
shrewd  bargainers,  an  assertion  all  recognize  who 
have  lived  amongst  them.  The  tone  here  is 
English.  Four  years  of  war  have  somewhat 
strained  the  springs  of  patriotism.  Purely  popu 
lar  forms  of  government  and  of  religion  favor 
democratic  virtues,  but  the  commercial  spirit  and 
luxurious  tastes  (luxe]  are  gradually  stifling  the 
love  of  independence.  Republicans  here,  like 
the  Carthaginians,  know  to  a  penny  the  value  of 
life  and  liberty.  The  State  is  divided  into  two 
parties;  one  calls  itself  Republican,  and  is  com 
posed  of  everybody  who  holds  office,  and  is  led 
by  Bowdoin  and  Adams.  One  belongs  to  that 
double-faced  class  which  styles  hypocrisy  modera 
tion,  while  the  other  is  sensible  and  intelligent, 

o 

but  indolent  through  principle  and  temperament. 
Bowdoin  will  probably  be  made  Governor. 
.  .  .  The  opposition  party,  the  true  Republi- 


AND   SENTIMENTS   OF    THE   PEOPLE.          19 

can  party,  is  led  by  Hanco(c)k.  He  is  the  King 
of  the  Rabble  (Roi  des  Halles],  or  the  American 
Beaufort.  His  credit  with  the  masses  is  great ; 
his  policy  is  shrewd  and  even  crafty.  He  is  the 
more  opposed  to  Adams  because  they  were  once 
friends,  and  to  Bowdoin  because  he  is  a  rival. 
He  befriends  us  only  because  he  hates  them." 

Rhode  Island,  "  partly  insulated,  had  no  influ 
ence  so  long  as  the  English  held  Newport." 

Connecticut  :  "The  brains  of  this  State  are  in 
the  head  of  Governor  Trumbull.  The  burning 

o 

of  Fairfield  and  the  barbarities  of  the  English, 
who  make  war  according  to  Levitical  law,  have 
rendered  the  people  irreconcilable.  They  have 
no  reason  to  complain  of  us.  In  evidence  of  the 
aid  repeatedly  received  from  France  they  much 
prefer  Benefactors  to  Incendiaries." 

New  York,  "ravaged  since  the  war  began,  has 
likewise  its  intestine  enemies.  The  Royalist 
party  is  large,  but  under  the  whip  of  the  army. 
The  Governor  is  a  safe  man,  an  enlightened  Re 
publican,  and  firm.  Another  safeguard  is  found 
in  the  dismemberment  which  is  going  on  in  this 
State;  the  Vermont  colony,  a  stray  swarm  from 
the  New  York  hive,  is  separating  from  it.  This 


20          CHAR  ACT  ERISTICS   OF    THE    STATES, 

people,  half  savage,  pushes  the  independent  spirit 
even  to  phrensy  ;  it  will  always  keep  New  York- 
straight.  Their  powder,  arms,  and  clothing  come 
from  us  ;  they  are  very  grateful,  and  have  used 
all  successfully  against  the  English,  whom  they 
neither  fear  nor  love." 

Jersey,  "  almost  on  the  borders  of  the  city  of 
New  York,  has  shown  heroic  constancy.  The 
militia  turn  out  of  their  own  accord  at  sight  of  a 
red-coat.  The  Governor,  Livingston,  is  a  Roman. 
A  party  against  him  has  just  arisen  under  the 
lead  of  Dickinson  and  Cadwalader,  who,  I  fear, 
will  supplant  him.  There  are  a  good  many 
Tories,  but  they  are  prosecuted  as  State  crim 
inals." 

Pennsylvania:  "  This  State  is  the  province  the 
most  infested  with  Royalists.  Quakers,  Metho 
dists,  Anglicans  and  other  sects,  whose  princi 
ples  have  a  sort  of  affinity  with  monarchy,  form 
intestine  but  paralytic  enemies.  The  Quakers, 
at  one  time,  were  disposed  to  regard  their  inter 
ests  as  those  of  Heaven,  but  Fanaticism  is  an 
exotic  plant  which  the  climate  repudiates. 
Patriotism  is  null  in  Philadelphia  ;  it  has  become 
almost  farcical.  Fortune  is  the  idol  in  every 


AXD   SEN  TIME N2*S   OF    THE   PEOPLE.          21 

State.  All  who  are  well-off  are  corrupt  at  heart, 
and  so  athirst  for  peace  that  this  would  be  wel 
come  at  any  price.  The  Royalist  party  has  met 
with  a  mortal  blow.  Last  year,  MifHin  and 
Wilson  were  foolish  enough  to  side  with  the 
Monopolists,  and  the  people  rose  against  them. 
Governor  Reed,  a  powerful  man,  as  well  as  able 
and  honest,  protected  them  against  popular 
fury,  and  now,  out  of  gratitude,  they  feign 
friendship  for  him,  and  only  oppose  him  in 
secret.'' 

Maryland  "  has  not  yet  joined  the  Confeder 
acy,  in  order  to  preserve  its  territorial  rights  ; 
but  its  forces  form  a  part  of  those  of  the  League. 
The  commercial  men  here  are  Royalists,  but 
there  are  a  good  many  military  men.  The 
Governor  himself  is  one  of  these,  slow,  cool,  and 
not  very  able,  but  safe." 

Virginia  4<  has  made  strenuous  efforts.  The 
hatred  of  England  is  that  of  brothers.  Until 
17/9,  she  was  divided  into  two  parties,  one  that 
of  Washington,  and  the  other  that  of  Lee  and 
Gates,  who  wanted,  they  said,  to  unmask  the 
idol.  That  cabal  has  fallen  through,  but  in  too 
noisy  a  way — it  looks  like  persecution.  The 


22  CHARACTERISTICS   OF    THE    STATES, 

sort  of  pity  which  it  excites  may  provide  them 
the  means  of  recovery.  An  overstrained  spring 
snaps  and  does  harm.  But  if  a  revolution  is 
being  got  up  in  this  State,  the  General  (Washing 
ton)  has  only  to  mount  the  first  stump  and  the 
enemies  of  the  government  will  vanish.  The 
intestine  enemies  of  the  colony  are  the  negroes. 
The  whites,  however,  are  not  in  such  dispropor 
tionate  numbers  as  to  make  emancipation, 
offered  by  the  English,  a  cause  of  insurrection." 
North  Carolina  is  "  feeble.  .  .  ." 
South  Carolina  "  has  neither  moral  nor  phys 
ical  energy  (ni  force  nivirtii).  Charleston,  like  all 
trading  towns,  is  open  to  the  highest  bidder. 
The  Governor,  whom  Provost  bought  up,  hung 
himself.  Were  his  head  sent  to  Savannah  it 
would  serve  as  a  warning  to  his  successor,  and 
Charleston  would  be  defended.  It  is  poorly 
fortified  and  could  not  stand  a  siege." 

Next  comes  a  general  view  of  the  political  sit 
uation,  and,  first,  of  the  Continental  Congress. 
"Congress  is  divided.  Private  animosities, 
of  infinite  subdivisions,  may  be  considered 
as  constituting  the  two  parties.  The  East 
ern  party,  composed  of  the  four  New  Eng- 


AND   SENTIMENTS  OF    THE   PEOPLE.         23 

land  States,  Pennsylvania,  Jersey  in  part,  and 
South  Carolina,  under  Gates  and  Lee ;  and 
Virginia,  Maryland,  New  York,  North  Carolina 
and  Delaware,  under  Washington.  The  Eastern 
party,  pretending  that  no  one  man  of  great  per 
sonal  influence  should  command  all  the  forces  of 
the  government  in  a  republic,  which  would  thus 
be  at  his  mercy,  backs  Gates,  almost  in  spite  of 
himself,  and  supports  him  as  its  leader  ;  but  that 
is  a  bugbear.  His  wife  had  persuaded  him  to 
mix  in  politics  ;  he  wrote  to  England,  offering 
his  mediation.  But  this  was  more  for  show  than 
a  well-considered  step,  of  which  the  consequences 
had  been  foreseen  and  measures  taken  to  main 
tain  it.  As  to  Congress,  in  spite  of  the  watch 
words  France,  England,  Country,  Liberty,  with 
which  the  members  cover  up  their  mutual  ani 
mosities,  the  secret  motive  of  their  cabals,  in 
trigues,  and  everlasting  bark  is  individual  hate, 
or  that  between  State  and  State,  which  the  new 
comers  adopt  through  honor  rather  than  through 
sentiment.  In  conclusion,  the  members  of  Con 
gress  are  like  husband  and  wife,  always  quarrel 
ing,  but  always  uniting  when  family  interests  are 
concerned, 


24          CHARACTERISTICS   OF    THE    STATES, 

"  These  illusive  appearances  have  deceived  the 
English  and  even  the    French.     And  yet  nobody 
would  dare  broach  the  idea  of  peace  without  t 
intervention  and  adherence  of  France  ;  independ 
ence  is  the  rallying-cry  of  all  parties. 

"At  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution,  the  East 
had  the  supremacy  ;  in  1779  New  York  had  sup 
planted  it.  I  think  that  since  Jay  and  Morris 
left  it  has  resumed  its  post.  The  army  consists 
of  13,000  or  14,000  men  ;  that  is  to  say,  it  is 
stronger  than  it  has  ever  been,  but  it  lacks  arms 
and  especially  clothes.  The  Continental  troops 
are  not  the  '  Rouergue  '  regiment,  but  at  the 
same  time  they  are  not  Paris  militia  in  the  times 
of  the  Fronde.  The  men  are  gaining  in  disci 
pline  every  day.  The  military  profession,  which 
demands  great  genius  in  the  generals,  requires 
only  mediocre  talent  and  superficial  experience 
in  subalterns.  People  of  intelligence  have  shown 
this  in  military  art.  Farmers  and  merchants 
have  become  tolerable  officers.  There  is  one 
great  defect  in  the  organization  of  the  army,  the 
short  term  of  enlistment.  Two-thirds  of  the 
army  have  enlisted  only  for  nine  months  ; 
scarcely  are  they  disciplined  or  instructed,  when 


AXD    SEN  TIM  EX  TS    OF    THE   PEOPLE.          25 

they  leave.  The  American  recruit,  however,  is 
not  exactly  like  a  "  Beauce  "  *  farmer  ;  he  is 
d  to  arms  and  knows  how  to  load  and  fire. 
All  are  mercenaries,  led  by  a  few  patriotic 
officers.  The  action  at  Stony  Point  has  inspired 
them  with  a  good  deal  of  confidence  in  their  own 
courage. 

"  The  state  of  things  in  America  is  alarming, 
but  not  hopeless.  It  is  that  of  an  exhausted 
sick  man  who  needs  food  rather  than  medicine, 
but  administered  by  a  father  (General  Washing 
ton),  who  understands  his  constitution  and  is  the 
only  physician  for  him. 

"  The  Royalist  party  is  numerous,  but  passive, 
despised,  and  only  daring  to  work  underground  ; 
it  tries  to  excite  distrust  among  the  people  on 
account  of  their  alliance  with  papists,  covertly 
circulating  the  idea  that  it  is  the  insidious  inter 
position  of  France  which  prevents  peace  being 
made,  and  that,  being  the  natural  enemy  of  the 
colonies,  she  tries  to  prolong  this  destructive  war. 
But  nobody  utters  this  aloud  ;  they  dare  whisper 
it  only  from  ear  to  ear.  They  treat  the  interests 
of  the  country  as  a  conspiracy. 

*  A  rich  farming  district  not  far  from  Paris. 


26  CHARACTERISTICS   OF    THE    STATES, 

"  The  Republican  party  is  outspoken,  accusing 
the  Royalists  and  even  bringing  them  to  punish 
ment.  It  proves  to  the  people  that  it  must 
choose  between  slavery  or  independence  ;  that  a 
conquest  of  the  country  is  manifestly  impossible; 
that,  if  they  separate  from  France,  they  are  lost, 
and  that  it  is  their  interest  to  cling  to  their  gen 
erous  ally  like  ivy  to  the  oak.  Such  is  the  lan 
guage  of  Congress,  of  public  meetings,  of  ser 
mons,  of  songs,  and  of  the  newspapers. 

"  Q.     What  has  France  to  fear  ? 

"A.  England  making  an  offer  of  independ 
ence,  which  alone  would  effect  a  change. 

"  Q.  How  to  prevent  this  or  avoid  its  conse 
quences  ? 

"  A.  By  sending  arms,  clothes  and  money,  or 
even  still  more  efficacious  means.  To  preserve 
the  good-wrill  of  the  people  their  pride  must  be 
humored. 

"  Let  the  political  antipathies  of  individuals 
and  the  squabbles  between  State  and  State  be 
what  they  may,  General  Washington  is  the  Atlas 
of  America  and  the  god  of  the  army.  His  au 
thority  is  mild  and  paternal.  He  is  probably  the 
only  man  who  could  have  effected  a  revolution. 


A. YD   SENTIMENTS   OF    THE   PEOPLE.          27 

This  great  man  has  only  one  defect,  very  credita 
ble  to  him, — too  much  integrity  for  a  party- 
leader. 

"  The  Finances.  These  are  in  a  great  state  of 
disorder  and  anarchy.  Paper  money  is  at  a  dis 
count  of  25  per  cent.,  which  is  great,  and  more 
than  it  should  be,  considering  the  supply  of 
money  in  trade.  The  surplus  loss  is  due  to  the 
lack  of  national  credit.  The  only  resource  is 
taxation.  The  people  demand  this.  But  the 
taxes  will  not  suffice  for  defraying  the  expenses 
of  the  war.  The  surest  means  is  a  direct  tax,  or 
requisitions  of  produce.  They  would  thus  main 
tain  their  army.  A  draft  would  supply  soldiers 
without  recruiting.  Every  citizen  in  turn  would 
have  the  privilege  of  defending  his  country." 

Another  document  called  "  Reflexions  Poli- 
tiquesd'unCitoyen,"  considered  important  enough 
to  put  on  file,  written  in  1780,  says  "  that  the 
Americans  are  unable  to  provide  themselves  with 
clothes  on  account  of  their  extreme  dearness,  all 
foreign  importations  having  advanced  in  price 
from  150  to  200  per  cent."  ''Troops  and 
money,"  the  writer  says,  "  are  indispensable." 
He  recommends  France  to  enlist  German  sol- 


28          CHARACTERISTICS   OF    THE   STATES, 

diers,  because  the  German  language  is  better  un 
derstood  in  America  than  French.  He  advises 
bribing  some  of  the  leaders  in  Congress  by 
secretly  granting  them  pensions.  Arthur  Lee 
is  at  this  time  the  representative  of  America  in 
Paris  along  with  Franklin.  "  Lee  is  English  at 
heart,  undoubtedly  under  English  pay,  and  he 
will  do  all  he  can  against  France.  If  I  had  not 
thought  that  imprisoning  him  would  have  had  a 
bad  effect  I  would  long  ago  have  recommended 
his  being  sent  to  the  Bastille  while  the  war 
lasts.  .  .  .  God  forbid  that  I  should  think  Mr. 
Adams  like  him,  but  I  venture  to  state  that 
Mr.  Adams  is  a  very  cunning  man  and  no  friend 
of  Dr.  Franklin,  so  that  it  may  be  presumed  that 
the  Lees  and  the  Adams  are  all  so  many  heads 
under  one  bonnet.  Dr.  Franklin  is  an  honest 
man,  or  I  am  much  mistaken  ;  I  fear  there  are 
very  few  of  his  metal  in  America.  The  Doctor 
is  very  intimate  with  Mr.  Hartley,  member  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  and,  as  the  latter  has  often 
proposed  that  the  King  (of  England)  should 
make  peace  with  the  Americans,  this  intimacy 
should  be  wratched." 

Next  comes  an  estimate   of  the  people    phys- 


AND    SENTIMENTS   OF    THE   PEOPLE.  29 

ically,  according  to  the  climate  and  the  sections 
of  country  they  occupy :  "  The  Anglo-American," 
says  the  writer,  "  is  fleshier  than  the  Frenchman, 
without  being  taller.  He  is  quite  strong,  of  a 
robust  constitution.  His  phlegmatic  tempera 
ment  renders  him  patient,  deliberative,  and  con 
sistent  in  all  his  undertakings.  At  the  same 
time  characters  differ  according  to  climate  and 
temperature.  Those  who  live  north  of  the 
Delaware  have  more  courage  and  energy  ;  the 
rigid  Presbyterian  religion  which  prevails  there 
strengthens  this  character ;  liberty  is  there 
carried  to  its  maximum.  The  southern  prov 
inces,  below  Pennyslvania,  accept  a  kind  of 
subordination  which  naturally  results  from  the 
great  disproportion  between  fortunes,  while  the 
number  of  sects  favors  a  sentiment  of  toleration. 
These  causes,  combined  with  the  mild  climate, 
render  men  less  energetic  and  capable  of  endur 
ing  the  fatigues  of  war;  the  Northern  man,  in 
deed,  clears  and  cultivates  his  ground  himself, 
while  the  Southern  man  has  his  slaves  do  this 
work." 

Finally  comes  the  disposition  of  the  people  in 
relation  to   the   war :     "  The    instigators  of  the 


3°          CHARACTERISTICS   OF   THE   STATES. 

war  are  still  at  the  head  of  the  government, 
the  party  for  independence  being  apparently 
the  most  numerous.  The  people  in  general, 
however,  long  for  peace.  Catholics,  Anglicans, 
Lutherans,  and  Quakers  are  anxious  for  it  on 
account  of  their  dread  of  Presbyterian  intoler 
ance  and  persecution ;  the  agriculturists  of  all 
sects  desire  it  in  order  that  they  may  quietly 
gather  in  their  crops  and  attend  to  their  busi 
ness.  It  is  also  desired  by  the  trading  classes 
of  every  sect,  and  most  ardently  by  the  occu 
pants  of  land  remote  from  the  coast,  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  savages." 


III. 

THE  COUNT   DE  VERGENNES. 

THE  principal   motive  which   led  the  French  gov 
ernment   to  help  the  American  colonists  obtain 
their  independence  may  be  briefly  stated  as  follows  : 

The  Seven  Years'  War  in  Europe,  growing  out  of 
complications  in  which  the  English  took  part  as  allies 
of  Frederick  the  Great,  came  to  an  end  in  1763. 
The  advantage  of  this  war  to  England  was  the  humil 
iation  of  France.  By  the  fatal  treaty  of  1763  France 
was  obliged  to  cede  Canada  to  the  English,  with  cer 
tain  possessions  in  the  West  Indies  and  Senegal  ;  she 
lost  additionally  her  foothold  in  India,  and  had  her 
commerce  completely  broken  up.  Her  greatest  afflic 
tion,  however,  was  the  placing  of  the  port  of  Dunkirk, 
on  her  own  soil,  in  the  hands  of  an  English  Commis 
sioner,  "  without  whose  permission  not  a  stone  on  any 
quay  in  the  harbor  could  be  disturbed."  This  was 
the  most  galling  condition  of  the  treaty.  Added  to 
this  was  the  arbitrary  right  exercised  by  the  English 
of  overhauling  not  only  French  vessels  on  the  high 
seas,  but  also  the  vessels  of  other  nations.  The 
mortification  of  this  situation  naturally  led  French 
statesmen  to  meditate  putting  an  end  to  it  the  first 
opportunity.  This  opportunity  presented  itself  on 
the  revolt  of  the  English  colonies  on  the  American 

31 


32  THE   COUNT  DE    VERGENNES. 

continent.  A  struggle  requiring  all  the  resources  of 
England  was  imminent,  and  the  chance  for  France  to 
profit  by  it  was  not  to  be  lost.  Such  was  the  prin 
cipal  motive  which  led  the  French  to  help  the  Ameri 
cans  obtain  their  independence,  and  the  starting- 
point  of  incalculable  obligations  on  their  part. 

Colonial  irritation  against  England,  caused  by  un 
just  and  immoderate  taxation,  together  with  laws 
compelling  the  colonists  to  trade  with  England  exclu 
sively,  began  before  1761.  It  had  greatly  increased 
in  1765.  The  Due  de  Choiseul,  then  prime-minister 
in  France  under  Louis  XV.,  closely  watched  the  prog 
ress  of  this  irritation,  and  foreseeing  that  it  would 
end  in  a  serious  rebellion  he  sent  De  Kalb  to  America 
to  report  on  the  progress  of  it  and  do  what  he  could 
to  foment  the  rebellious  spirit  ;  at  the  same  time  he 
instructed  his  diplomatic  agents  in  London  to  keep 
him  advised  of  the  proceedings  of  the  English  King 
and  Parliament  and  of  the  feeling  of  the  people 
generally.  Nothing  came  of  this  diplomatic  proceed 
ing  but  an  accumulation  of  useful  information  of 
which  his  successors  availed  themselves.  On  this 
minister  losing  favor  with  Louis  XV.  he  was  dis 
missed,  and  the  matter  was  dropped.  The  Due  d'Ai- 
guillon,  his  successor,  remained  personally  indifferent 
to  the  agitation  in  America  ;  but  his  subordinates, 
Gamier,  secretary  of  the  embassy  in  London,  and 
Gerard  de  Rayneval,  chief  clerk  in  the  ministry  of 
foreign  affairs  in  Paris,  followed  it  up  attentively.  In 
1774,  the  Count  de  Vergennes  came  into  office,  and 
with  him  the  American  rebellion,  fully  developed, 


THE    COUXT  DE    VERGENNES.  33 

became  an  absorbing  topic.  It  was  then  that  this 
able  minister  and  statesman  initiated  the  policy  which, 
combined  with  that  of  Washington  at  home  and 
Franklin  abroad,  rendered  the  colonial  rebellion  suc 
cessful. 

Charles  Gravier,  Count  de  Vergennes,  was  born 
at  Dijon,  in  France,  in  1719.  He  was  of  a  good  but 
not  prominent  family.  The  seignory  of  the  Gravier 
family  consisted  of  the  chateau  and  domain  of  Vichy, 
the  famous  French  watering-place.  Vergennes  served 
a  diplomatic  apprenticeship  up  to  his  thirty-first  year 
in  various  European  courts,  and  was  promoted  in 
1750  to  the  office  of  minister-plenipotentiary  at 
Treves  ;  in  1755  he  was  made  minister  at  Constanti 
nople,  where  he  served  with  distinction,  and  in  1769 
he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  ambassador  at  the  Otto 
man  court  ;  in  1772  he  was  sent  ambassador  to 
Sweden,  from  which  country  he  was  recalled  in  1774, 
soon  after  the  advent  of  Louis  XVI.  to  the  throne  of 
France,  and  made  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  under 
the  prime-minister,  Maurepas.  During  this  prepara 
tory  period  Vergennes  won  the  esteem  of  the  Dauphin, 
afterwards  Louis  XVI.,  as  well  as  of  the  able  prime- 
minister  of  Louis  XV.,  the  Due  de  Choiseul.  The 
latter  said  of  him  :  "  The  Count  de  Vergennes  always 
has  something  to  say  against  whatever  is  proposed  to 
him.  but  he  never  finds  any  difficulty  in  carrying  out 
his  instructions.  Were  we  to  order  him  to  send  us 
the  Vizier's  head,  he  would  write  that  it  was  danger 
ous,  but  the  head  would  come."  It  is  said  that  Mau- 


34  THE    COUXT  DK    VERGENNES. 

repas,  who  admitted  him  into  his  cabinet,  did  so 
because  he  expected  to  find  a  docile  subordinate,  one 
who  would  rest  content  with  doing  his  bidding.  If 
this  were  the  case,  he  made  a  mistake,  for  Vergennes, 
while  humoring  and  deferring  to  his  chief,  soon  sup 
planted  him  in  the  mind  of  the  King  in  the  manage 
ment  of  foreign  affairs. 

The  policy  of  Vergennes,  for  the  first  nine  years  of 
his  ministry,  consisted  in  reducing  the  power  of  En 
gland  through  the  American  Revolution.  In  carrying 
out  his  plans  he  displayed  both  patience  and  prudence, 
dissembling  his  purpose  at  the  outset,  and  treating 
England  as  unscrupulously  as  England  had  recently 
treated  France,  but  with  much  greater  caution.  Eng 
land,  for  instance,  had  succored  the  Corsicans  to  the 
detriment  of  France,  and  had  attacked  and  annihilated 
both  the  French  fleet  and  French  commerce  without 
previously  declaring  war  ;  Vergennes,  while  furnishing 
arms  and  money  to  the  American  rebels  in  violation 
of  treaties  and  international  law,  denied  that  he  was 
doing  so,  and  pursued  this  course  successfully  until  he 
was  ready  for  the  conflict. 

The  Count  de  Vergennes  was  neither  a  courtier 
nor  a  selfishly  ambitious  man.  His  habits  were  sim 
ple  and  he  lived  unpretentiously,  which  led  the  nobles 
around  Louis  XVI.  to  calumniate  him  and  charge 
him  with  affectation.  He  treated  subordinates 
kindly  and  attended  closely  to  business.  Louis  XVI. 
liked  him  because  he  was  clear-headed  and  trust 
worthy,  and,  perhaps,  because  he  was  not  a  courtier, 


THE    COUNT  DE    VERGENNES.  35 

being  probably  one  of  the  few  officials  who  relied  on 
merit  to  obtain  royal  approbation  rather  than  on  rank 
or  privilege.  He  was  an  admirable  husband  and  pa 
rent.  He  liked  to  play  with  children,  danced  in  inti 
mate  reunions,  told  long  stories  which  are  said  to  have 
been  tedious,  kept  aloof  from  women  and  parades,  and 
demeaned  himself  generally  in  a  modest,  dignified 
manner.  His  diplomatic  correspondence  shows  him 
to  have  been  sagacious,  a  sound  reasoner.  firm  in  his 
opinions,  honorable  with  those  who  were  earnest  and 
sincere,*  and  a  good  judge  of  men,  especially  in  the 
choice  of  his  coadjutors.  The  adroitness  with  which 
he  managed  the  interests  of  the  American  insurgents 
in  France,  his  confidence  in  and  respect  for  their  lead- 

*  Jefferson  says  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes  :  "  He  had  the 
reputation  with  the  diplomatic  corps,  of  being  wary  and  slippery 
in  his  diplomatic  intercourse  ;  and  so  he  might  be  with  those  whom 
he  knew  to  be  slippery  and  double-faced  themselves.  As  he  saw 
that  I  had  no  indirect  views,  practiced  no  subtleties,  meddled  in 
no  intrigues,  pursued  no  concealed  object,  I  found  him  as  honor 
able,  as  frank,  as  easy  of  access  to  reason,  as  any  man  with  whom 
I  had  ever  done  business." — Jefferson's  Writings,  vol.  i.,  v.  52. 

To  complete  Jefferson's  estimate  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes 
the  following  must  be  added,  taken  from  one  of  his  letters  to 
James  Madison  :  "  He  is  a  great  minister  in  European  affairs, 
but  has  very  imperfect  ideas  of  our  institutions,  and  no  confidence 
in  them.  His  devotion  to  the  principles  of  pure  despotism  ren 
ders  him  unaffectionate  to  our  governments.  .  .  .  He  is  cool,  re 
served  in  political  conversations,  but  free  and  familiar  on  other 
subjects,  and  a  very  attentive,  agreeable  person  to  do  business 
with.  It  is  impossible  to  have  a  clearer,  better  organized  head  ; 
but  age  has  chilled  his  heart." 


6  THE    COUNT  DE    VERGENXES. 


ers  at  home,  his  management  of  the  negotiations  with 
the  Spanish  government  to  secure  its  participation  in 
the  war,  the  firmness  with  which  he  continued  the  war 
in  spite  of  serious  discouragements,  the  glorious  peace 
of  1783  by  which  American  independence  was  guar 
anteed  and  by  which  France  recovered  its  prestige 
among  European  nations,  place  the  Count  de  Yer- 
gennes  in  the  first  rank  of  illustrious  statesmen.* 

Vergennes  was  closely  studying  the  state  of  things 
in  America  long  before  the  battle  of  Lexington.  He 
first  turned  to  account  the  information  collected  by 
the  Due  de  Choiseul,  and  then  availed  himself  of 
passing  events.  The  opponents  of  the  policy  of  Lord 
North,  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  Burke,  Fox,  and  others, 


"  Count  Vergennes  was  the  earliest  and  most  decided  friend 
America  had  in  the  French  councils.  The  cabinet  was  originally 
divided  on  the  subject  of  aiding  the  colonies  against  England,  and 
the  King  was  pointedly  opposed  to  such  a  step.  Vergennes 
took  his  position  and  maintained  it.  He  brought  over  the  King 
by  degrees  to  his  views.  The  resolution  of  the  government  was 
taken,  and  steadily  pursued,  till  the  great  object  was  effected.  The 
burden  of  the  undertaking,  the  weight  of  responsibility,  rested 
mainly  on  the  shoulders  of  Count  Vergennes.  A  failure  would  have 
ruined  him.  The  independence  of  America  was  an  aim  upon  the 
success  of  which  his  reputation,  his  existence  as  a  public  minister, 
depended.  He  was  aware  of  this,  and  adhered  to  his  purpose 
steadily  to  the  last.  Whatever  maybe  thought  of  Count  Vergennes's 
talents  or  character  as  a  man,  of  his  general  policy  or  practice  as  a 
statesman,  he  must  ever  be  regarded  by  those  who  will  diligently 
examine  the  history  of  his  ministerial  career,  as  a  true  and  valua 
ble  friend  to  the  United  States,  and  as  deserving  the  lasting  grati 
tude  of  the  American  people. — Sparks's  Life  of  Governeur  Morris, 
vol.  i.,  p.  247. 


THE   COUXT  DE    VERGENNES.  37 

whose  speeches  in  Parliament  and  the  favor  they 
showed  to  sympathizers  with  the  American  cause  fed 
the  flame  of  rebellion,  helped  Vergennes  greatly. 
Through  the  officials  of  the  French  legation  in  Lon 
don  and  his  o\vn  emissaries  there,  who  were  in  rela 
tions  with  the  commercial  speculators  from  the  colo 
nies  as  well  as  with  the  political  agents  sent  over  from 
America  to  watch  events  in  Europe,  among  whom 
Arthur  Lee,  after  Franklin  left  England,  was  the  most 
prominent,  he  gleaned  important  information.  His 
most  reliable  agent,  however,  and  the  ablest,  was 
Reaumarchais,  one  of  the  most  singular  geniuses 
France  has  produced,  and  at  that  time  famous  in  more 
directions  than  one.  Beaumarchais,  at  this  time,  was 
engaged  in  a  special  mission  in  behalf  of  Louis  XVI. 
But  before  proceeding  further,  as  this  personage 
played  a  very  important  part  in  securing  American 
independence,  it  behoves  us  to  know  something  of 
him  and  how  he  became  interested  in  the  American 
cause. 


IV. 
BEAUMARCHAIS. 

PIERRE-AUGUSTINE  CARON,  to  which  patro- 
JT  nymic  the  title  of  de  Beaumarchais  was  subse 
quently  added,  through  the  purchase  of  official  posi 
tions  which  sanctioned  the  assumption  of  nobility,  was 
born  January  24,  1732.  His  father  was  a  watchmaker, 
and  he  followed  the  same  calling,  becoming  his 
father's  partner  when  he  was  of  age  ;  while  an  ap 
prentice  he  invented  an  escapement  which  greatly 
added  to  the  reputation  of  the  house.  The  Caron 
children  consisted  of  five  daughters  and  their  illus 
trious  brother  ;  all  were  remarkable  for  affection 
coupled  with  intelligence  and  gayety,  as  well  as  for 
literary,  poetic,  and  musical  ability.  Through  his 
office  as  "  watchmaker  to  the  King,"  Beaumarchais 
came  in  contact  with  "  Mesdames  "  the  King's  daugh 
ters,  which  gave  him  an  opportunity  to  display  his 
musical  genius  ;  being  an  excellent  harpist  and  flutist 
it  was  not  long  before  he  was  appointed  their  first 
musician  ;  it  is  said  that  all  the  music  they  played 
was  composed  by  him.  Add  to  this  that  he  was  tall, 
handsome  and  agreeable,  and  it  is  easy  to  see  how, 
through  his  demeanor,  tact,  and  social  qualities,  he 
improved  the  situation  and  laid  the  foundations  of 
his  fortune.  Besides  this  favorable  position  at  court 

38 


BEA  UMA  R  CHA  IS.  3  9 

Beatimarchais  obtained  other  places  which  carried 
along  with  them  the  rank  and  privileges  of  a  noble. 
While  favored  by  such  patronage,  he  entered  into 
close  relations  with  Paris  Du  Verney,  an  experienced 
financier  and  founder  of  the  Ecole  Militaire,  who,  in 
return  for  a  certain  kindness,  launched  him  in  the 
world  of  speculation  and  made  him  wealthy. 

In  the  year  1774,  a  Spanish  litterateur  named  Clav- 
ijo  became  engaged  to  one  of  Beaumarchais's  sisters, 
the  marriage  to  take  place  as  soon  as  Clavijo  should 
obtain  a  certain  post  at  the  Spanish  court.  The  place 
was  secured  and  the  banns  were  published,  when,  sud 
denly,  Clavijo  refused  to  keep  his  engagement.  As 
the  honor  of  his  sister  was  involved,  Beaumarchais 
went  to  Spain  and,  with  remarkable  coolness,  skill 
and  energy  compelled  Clavijo  to  sign  a  declaration 
fully  exonerating  his  sister.  He  then  effected  a  rec 
onciliation  between  the  parties  and  the  marriage  was 
arranged.  Just  as  the  ceremony  was  about  to  be 
solemnized  Beaumarchais  learned  that  Clavijo  was 
plotting  his  arrest,  under  a  charge  of  conspiracy  which 
involved  his  expulsion  from  Madrid.  Fired  with  in 
dignation,  he  betook  himself  to  the  ministers,  and 
even  reached  the  King,  denounced  the  offender,  won 
his  case,  and  had  the  disloyal  suitor  banished  from 
the  court.* 

During  Beaumarchais's  stay  of  a  year  in  Madrid,  he 
became  familiar  with  Spanish  customs,  which  he  after 
wards  used  in  his  dramatic  compositions,  and  he  en- 

*  Goethe  made  this  incident  the  subject  of  one  of  his  dramas. 


40  BE  AUM ARCH  A  IS. 

tered  into  various  speculations,  including  one  in  con 
nection  with  the  slave  trade,  while  at  the  same  time 
he  frequented  the  highest  diplomatic  society.  "The 
gayety  of  this  child  of  Paris  sets  the  whole  of  this  stiff 
world  in  motion.  Lord  Rochford  is  captivated  by 
him,  takes  him  to  the  Prado,  treats  him  to  suppers, 
sings  duets  with  him  and  becomes  extraordinarily 
jovial  for  an  English  diplomat."*  Beaumarchais 
now  returns  to  France,  where,  during  the  following 
ten  years,  he  composes  among  other  pieces  the  fa 
mous  comedies  of  "  The  Barber  of  Seville  "  and 
"  The  Marriage  of  Figaro,"  passes  through  the  re 
markable  "  Goezman  "  trial  on  a  charge  of  bribery, 
is  imprisoned,  and  has  all  sorts  of  adventures  and  ex 
periences,  in  which  he  displays  uncommon  address, 
ending  with  secret  missions  in  the  service  of  Louis 
XV.  The  last  of  these,  that  in  connection  with  the 
Chevalier  d'Eon,  which  paves  the  way  for  his  employ 
ment  in  behalf  of  the  Americans,  deserves  especial 
notice. 

Among  curious  historical  characters,  one  of  the 
most  so  is  the  Chevalier  d'Eon,  "  a  personage  who,  up 
to  forty-three  years  of  age,  passed  for  a  man,  and  as 
such  became  successfully  a  doctor  of  laws,  counselor 
in  the  French  Parliament,  literary  censor,  diplomatic 
agent,  Knight  of  St.  Louis,  secretary  of  the  French 
embassy,  and  acting  minister  plenipotentiary  at  Lon 
don."!  Suddenly,  he  turns  woman.  It  appears  that 

*  De  Lomenie,  "  Beaumarchais  et  son  Temps." 
f  De  Lomenie,  "  Beaumarchais  et  son  Temps." 


BE  A  UMA  R  CIIA  IS.  4  * 

Eon,  in  his  youth,  looked  like  a  woman,  and  was  sent 
in  feminine  disguise  by  Louis  XV.  on  a  secret  mis 
sion  to  St.  Petersburg.  Accomplishing  this  success 
fully,  he  returned  to  Paris,  resumed  male  attire,  and 
subsequently  went  to  London.  During  his  Russian 
mission  he  carried  on  a  compromising  correspond 
ence  with  the  King  which  Louis  XVI.,  when  he 
came  to  the  throne,  deemed  it  for  the  interest  of  the 
state  and  for  that  of  the  royal  family  to  get  posses 
sion  of.  The  affair  reached  Beaumarchais's  ears,  and, 
with  the  fame  of  his  Spanish  career  and  previous 
successes  in  the  same  line  to  back  him,  he  offered 
himself  for  the  task  and  was  accepted.  Beaumar- 
chais  proceeded  to  London,  made  the  acquaintance 
of  Eon,  insinuated  himself  into  his  good  graces,  and 
accomplished  the  mission  to  the  King's  satisfaction. 
In  the  settlement  of  this  affair  it  was  stipulated  that 
Eon  should  receive  a  pension,  return  to  France,  and 
attire  himself  in  future  as  a  woman,  which  he  pre 
tended  to  be.  Beaumarchais,  assured  by  Eon  that 
he  was  a  woman,  nevertheless  reports  of  him  that  he 
u  drank,  smoked,  and  swore  like  a  German  trooper." 
Subsequently  Eon  again  left  France  for  London, 
where  he  resumed  the  male  costume  and  lived  as  a 
man  until  his  death,  when  his  sex  was  officially  de 
clared.  Beaumarchais's  cleverness  in  obtaining  the 
correspondence  referred  to  led  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  to  make  use  of  him  in  connection  with  Ameri 
can  affairs.  Other  circumstances  confirmed  the  minis 
ter  in  this  choice  of  a  London  political  agent.  Beau- 


4  2  BE  A  UMA  R  CIIA  IS. 

marchais,  acquainted  with  the  famous  John  Wilkes, 
a  virulent  opponent  of  the  Tory  ministry,  met  at  his 
house  everybody  in  London  concerned  with  the 
colonial  rebellion,  and  he  communicated  to  the 
minister  all  that  he  saw  and  heard.  The  capacity  of 
the  author  of  Figaro  for  entering  into  the  feelings, 
ideas,  tastes,  pleasures,  and  ambitions  of  everybody 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact,  his  skill  in  worming 
out  secrets,  his  intimacy  with  Lord  Rochford,  a  mem 
ber  of  Lord  North's  cabinet  whose  acquaintance,  as 
we  have  seen,  he  had  made  in  Spain,*  his  intercourse 
with  the  American  emissaries  like  Arthur  Lee,  all 
gave  him  extraordinary  facilities  for  fulfilling  his 
commission. 

"  Evidently."  says  M.  I)oniol,f  "the  cabinet  of 
Versailles  already  knew  what  to  rely  on  in  the  situ 
ation  of  the  Americans.  It  had  relations  with  their 
agents  which  do  not  appear  either  in  the  despatches 
of  ambassadors  nor  in  the  accounts  which  their 
agents  furnished.  .  .  .  The  government  of  Louis 
XVI.  owed,  indeed,  to  Beaumarchais's  activity  in  Lon 
don  circumstantial  details  and  interchanges  of  ideas 
which  had  advanced  matters  very  much.  He  had  for 
three  months  actively  employed  his  tact  and  perspi 
cacity  in  'baiting  his  hooks,'  laying  plans,  and  arrang- 

*  Vergennes  writes  to  Beau  marchais  :  "If  our  impression  of 
Lord  Rochford's  character  is  correct  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  make 
him  talk  more  than  he  means  to." 

f  "  Histoire  de  la  Participation  de  la  France  dans  1'Etablisse- 
ment  des  Etats  Unis," 


BE  A  LIMA  R  CIIA  IS.  4  3 

ing  combinations.  Never  discouraged,  and  inspiring 
others  with  confidence  in  him  through  his  political 
sagacity  and  the  fervent  patriotism  which  this  de 
noted,  he  had  singularly  fortified  in  M.  de  Vergennes 
and  M.  de  Maurepas  their  appreciation  of  events  and 
the  hopes  which  they  cherished.  .  .  .  The  bringing 
of  the  King  to  their  conclusions  through  secret  ad 
vices  and  make  him  share  their  impressions  required 
great  efforts.'  " 

They  were,  indeed,  very  great,  and  it  is  largely 
owing  to  Beaumarchais  that  the  resistance  of  the 
King  was  finally  overcome,  as  will  be  seen  further  on. 

The  foregoing  details  of  Beaumarchais's  life  suffi 
ciently  show  the  character  of  the  man  and  how  he 
became  associated  with  American  events.  Before 
citing  the  official  documents  which  expose  the  nature 
of  his  services  to  America,  we  must  dwell  for  a  mo 
ment  on  the  character  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  on  the  first 
steps  taken  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  to  bring  that 
monarch  over  to  his  American  policy. 


V. 
LOUIS  XVI. 

LOUIS  XVI.,  an  absolute  monarch,  on  whose  will 
American  destinies  depended,  was  educated  by 
his  grandfather,  Louis  XV.,  in  ignorance,  as  far  as 
possible,  of  the  vicious  life  this  monarch  had  led.  Con 
sequently  he  was  not  corrupt,  but  he  was  not  an 
amiable  man.  While  Dauphin,  he  went  but  little  into 
society  and  wished  to  be  considered  as  Louis,  Ic  .SV'tr/r. 
He  was  as  conscious  of  the  divinity  of  a  King  as 
Louis  XIV.,  but,  unlike  his  ancestor,  was  unable  to 
maintain  it  ;  with  him  the  dignity  of  a  monarch  was 
wholly  vested  in  the  etiquette  of  a  court.  Without 
military  tastes,  indispensable  in  a  sovereign  who  is 
responsible  for  public  order  as  well  as  for  the  rank  of 
his  nation  among  other  nations,  Louis  XVI.  disliked 
war  and  all  employment  of  force.  His  tastes,  for  the 
head  of  a  great  state,  were  indeed  puerile,  consisting 
mainly  of  lock-making  and  hunting.  He  was  not  so 
much  narrow-minded  as  small-minded,  being  inca 
pable  of  entertaining  philosophic  or  general  ideas. 
On  one  occasion,  seized  with  an  impulse  for  reform, 
he  applied  himself  to  the  serious  study  of  a  certain 
project  ;  on  disclosing  his  plan  to  one  of  his  ministers 
it  proved  to  be  simply  a  project  for  destroying  rab- 

44 


LOUIS  XVI.  45 

bits,  which  had  become  too  destructive  in  one  of  the 
capitciineries*  He  was  humane  and  desirous  of 
doing  good  ;  but,  alternately  firm  and  irresolute,  was 
unable  to  carry  out  good  intentions.  He  was,  how 
ever,  moral,  loyal  to  engagements,  and  generous  at 
times  when  it  was  optional  with  him  to  be  otherwise. 
"  The  King  loves  business,  economy,  order  and  justice, 
and  wishes  sincerely  the  good  of  his  people  ;  but  he 
is  irascible,  rude,  very  limited  in  his  understanding, 
and  religious  bordering  on  bigotry.  He  has  no  mis 
tress,  loves  his  queen,  and  is  too  much  governed  by 
her.  She  is  capricious,  like  her  brother,  and  governed 
by  him  ;  devoted  to  pleasure  and  expense  ;  and 
not  remarkable  for  any  other  vices  or  virtues."  f 
It  is  said  that  Louis  XVI.  disliked  Americans  for  the 
reasons  that  they  were  rebels  against  their  sovereign, 
a  trait  naturally  distasteful  to  an  absolute  monarch  ; 
although  he  assisted  them  on  national  grounds,  it 
went  against  his  conscience.  Such  was  the  man 
whom  the  Count  de  Vergennes  had  to  win  over  to 
his  policy  and  involve  France  in  a  war  with  England 
on  account  of  the  American  colonies. 

Accordingly,  early  in  1775,  after  having  fully 
determined  in  his  own  mind  what  course  to  take,  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  submits  to  Louis  XVI.  for  his 
approval,  a  memorial  setting  forth  the  reasons  why 
operations  in  behalf  of  the  Americans  should  be 
undertaken.  This  document  is  entitled  "  Reflections 

*  A  royal  domain  in  which  game  was  preserved, 
f  Jefferson. 


46  LOUIS  XVI.   ' 

on  the  actual  situation  of  the  English  colonies,  and 
the  proper  course  for  France  to  pursue  in  relation  to 
them."  The  following  extracts  from  it  show  its  tenor  : 

"  The  Americans  have  made  up  their  minds 
and  will  persevere  ;  but,  if  they  are  not  aided  we 
must  expect  to  see  them  succumb,  for  England 
is  compelled  to  subdue  them  at  any  cost.  The 
inveterate  enmity  of  that  power  to  us  makes  it 
our  duty  to  lose  no  opportunity  for  weakening 
it.  The  independence  of  the  insurgent  colonies 
must  therefore  be  encouraged." 

After  this  postulate  comes  the  following  argument  : 
"  England  is  the  natural  enemy  of  France,  and 
a  greedy,  ambitious,  unjust,  and  treacherous 
enemy  ;  the  persistent  and  favorite  policy  of  this 
power  is,  if  not  the  destruction  of  France,  at 
least  its  abasement  and  ruin.  Such  has  long 
been  the  real  motive  of  the  wars  it  has  waged 
against  us;  all  other  considerations  yield  to  this 
reason  of  state,  and  all  ways  are  considered  just, 
proper,  and  even  necessary,  provided  the  end  is 
attained.  This  disposition,  together  with  the 
solicitude  of  France  for  its  own  safety,  warrants 
and  even  urges  us  to  take  advantage  of  every 
opportunity  to  weaken  the  forces  and  power  of 


LOUIS  XVI.  47 

England,  whilst  policy,  on  the  other  hand,  makes 
it  a  duty.  Starting  from  these  two  points,  noth 
ing  remains  but  to  examine  the  actual  situation 
and  disposition  of  the  colonies  and  see  whether 
these  favor  the  end  we  propose.  The  colonists 
are  now  in  open  rebellion  against  their  rulers ; 
they  mean  to  throw  off  the  yoke,  and  they  ask 
supplies  and  assistance  from  us." 

Then  follows  a  consideration  of  the  objections  to  this 
policy,  which  involves  many  delicate  points  in  re 
lation  to  other  countries,  especially  Spain,  as  well  as 
to  French  colonial  interests  in  case  of  failure.  The 
Count  de  Vergennes  divides  these  into  three  classes, 
of  which,  to  Americans,  the  second  class  as  follows  is 
the  most  significant  : 

"  According  to  all  our  accounts  the  insurgents 
are  now  able  to  resist  the  forces  sent  by  England 
to  America  ;  they  have  arms  and  the  munitions 
of  war,  and,  accordingly,  do  not  need  immediate 
assistance.  It  is  to  be  feared,  however,  that 
these  resources  will  soon  be  exhausted  as  well  as 
the  means  for  restoring  them,  and  that  the  fear 
of  this  may  dampen  their  courage  and  lead  them 
to  cease  their  efforts  by  offering  submission 
before  they  are  obliged  to,  through  their  lack  of 


48  LOUIS  xvi. 

strength.  France  must  accordingly  be  governed 
by  this  necessity.  She  must  nourish  the  courage 
and  perseverance  of  the  insurgents  by  extending 
to  them  the  hope  of  effective  aid  when  circum 
stances  warrant  it,  and  make  them  understand 
that  our  help  depends  on  their  success  ;  we  must 
hold  out  the  belief  that  our  aid  will  be  furnished  at 
the  latest  by  the  end  of  the  next  campaign.  In 
this  way  France  need  not  compromise  herself 
either  with  the  insurgents,  nor  with  the  Court  of 
London,  while  she  would  be  ready  to  strike  a 
decisive  blow  when  the  time  came." 

The  reasons  for  helping  the  Americans  are  stated 
by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  in  the  cool  and  deliberate 
language  of  the  accomplished  and  prudent  statesman. 
The  action  of  the  King  depends  on  another  sort  of 
intellectual  pressure.  A  more  fervent  advocate  is 
essential,  and  he  is  at  hand  in  Beautnarchais.  The 
Count  de  Vergennes  sends  the  following  letter  to  the 
King  : 

"  SlRE  :  I  have  the  honor  to  send  your  Majesty 
a  report  by  the  Sieur  de  Beaumarchais,  leaving 
nothing  out,  not  even  what  was  intended  for 
myself  alone.  Had  I  allowed  myself  any  cur 
tailment  it  would  have  been  the  personalities. 


LOUIS  XVI.  49 

Facts  are  stated  which  I  have  no  means  of  veri 
fying,  and  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  establish. 
The  most  important  detail,  it  seems  to  me,  is  the 
picture  it  presents  of  the  actual  state  of  affairs 
and  their  probable  result.  England  is  inclined 
to  despair.  I  can  readily  believe,  as  the  Sieur 
de  Beaumarchais  insinuates,  that  the  fall  of  the 
ministry  is  not  remote. 

"As  no  answer  can  be  given  to  the  Sieur  de 
Beaumarchais  until  I  receive  your  Majesty's 
orders,  I  humbly  entreat  your  Majesty  to  inform 
me  when  I  may  come  to  receive  them." 

Beaumarchais  had  already  despatched  letter  after 
letter  from  London  urging-  action  in  relation  to  the 
colonies.  He  now  entered  on  the  task  more  seriously, 
with  a  view  to  convince  the  King,  of  whose  stubborn 
opposition  to  the  plans  he  proposes  he  is  fully  aware. 
He  accordingly  writes  tinder  date  of  September  21, 
1775,  the  first  of  a  series  of  letters  with  a  view  to 
overcome  the  King's  objections,  which  letter  he 
addresses  to  him  direct  : 

"  To  THK  KING: 

"  SlRE:  Firmly  convinced  that  the  document  I 
submit  to  Your  Majesty,  will  not  leave  your  hands, 
I  continue,  Sire,  to  state  the  truth  on  all  points 


50  LOUIS  xvi. 

known  to  me  that  appear  to  affect  your  service, 
without  regard  to  anybody's  interests. 

"  I  stole  away  from  England,  under  the  pre 
text  of  going  into  the  country,  and  came  direct 
from  London  to  Paris  to  confer  with  Messieurs 
de  Vergennes  and  de  Sartines  on  matters  too 
important  and  too  delicate  to  be  entrusted  to  a 
courier. 

"  England,  Sire,  is  in  such  a  crisis,  in  such  a 
state  of  disorder  within  and  without,  that  its 
ruin  would  be  near  at  hand  were  its  neighbors 
and  rivals  prepared  to  take  matters  up  seriously. 
The  following  is  a  faithful  statement  of  the  situ 
ation  of  the  English  in  America.  I  have  the  de 
tails  from  a  person  who  lives  in  Philadelphia 
just  arrived  from  the  colonies,  and  which  he  left 
in  order  to  confer  with  the  English  minister 
about  them,  and  whose  narrative  has  produced 
the  greatest  alarm  and  consternation.  The 
Americans,  determined  to  suffer  anything  rather 
than  yield,  and  full  of  that  enthusiasm  for  liber 
ty  which  has  so  often  rendered  the  small  Corsi- 
can  nation  redoubtable  to  the  Genoese,  have 
thirty-eight  thousand  effective  armed  men  under 
the  walls  of  Boston  ;  the  English  army  in  this 


LOUIS  xvr.  51 

town  is  reduced  to  death  by  starvation,  or  to 
seeking  winter-quarters  elsewhere, which  they  are 
going  to  do  immediately.  About  forty  thousand 
men,  well  armed  and  equally  resolute,  defend 
the  rest  of  the  country,  without  one  tiller  of  the 
soil  or  workman  in  the  factories  being  taken  to 
form  this  body  of  eighty  thousand  troops. 
Every  fisherman,  reduced  to  poverty  by  the  En 
glish,  has  become  a  soldier  and  vows  he  will 
avenge  the  ruin  of  his  family  and  the  liberty  of 
his  country.  Everybody  in  maritime  trade, 
which  the  English  have  stopped,  has  joined  the 
fishermen  in  making  war  on  their  common  perse 
cutors  ;  every  workman  in  the  seaports  has  in 
creased  this  army  of  infuriates  whose  vengeance 
and  rage  animate  every  effort. 

"  I  affirm,  Sire,  that  such  a  nation  must  be  in 
vincible,  especially  with  so  vast  an  extent  of 
country  behind  it  for  retreat,  even  should  the 
English  possess  themselves  of  the  coasts,  which 
is  far  from  happening.  All  sensible  persons  in 
England  are  satisfied  that  the  colonies  are  lost 
to  the  mother-country,  and  such  is  my  opinion. 

"  The  open  war  carried  on  in  America  is  still 
less  disastrous  for  England  than  the  intestine 


52  LOUIS  AT/. 

war  which  must  soon  break  out  in  London; 
party  spirit  has  reached  the  highest  point  since 
the  royal  proclamation  declaring  the  Americans 
rebels.  This  c^reat  mistake,  this  <rrcat  act  of 

o  o 

folly  on  the  part  of  the  government,  has  revived 
the  energies  of  all  its  opponents  by  combining 
them  against  it  ;  they  have  resolved  to  break  a 
lance  against  the  court  party  when  Parliament 
meets. 

"  It  is  thought  that  before  the  session  closes 
seven  or  eight  members  of  the  Opposition  will  be 
sent  to  the  To\ver,  and  this  is  the  moment 
awaited  for  sounding  the  tocsin.  Lord  Rocli- 
ford,  my  friend  for  the  past  fifteen  years,  ex 
pressed  himself  with  a  sigh,  in  conversing  with 
me,  in  these  words,  */  am  very  vnicJi  afraid, 
sir,  that  before  the  cud  of  the  winter  some  heads 
will  lie  low,  cither  of  the  Kings  party  or  of  tJic 
Opposition,'  On  the  other  hand,  Lord-mayor 
Wilkes,  warmed  up  by  a  splendid  dinner,  pub 
licly  said  to  me  :  '  The  King  of  England  has  long- 
clone  me  the  honor  to  hate  me.  I,  on  my  side, 
have  always  clone  him  the  justice  to  despise  him  ; 
the  time  has  come  to  decide  which  of  the  two 


LOUIS  XVI.  53 

has  shown  the  best  judgment,  and  on  which  side 
the  wind  will  blow  off  the  most  heads.' 

"  Lord  North  would  gladly  resign  to-day  if  he 
could  do  so  with  honor  and  safety. 

"  The  slightest  reverse  of  the  Royalists  in 
America,  strengthening  the  audacity  of  the  peo 
ple  and  of  the  Opposition,  may  bring  matters  to 
a  head  in  London  when  least  expected,  and 
should  the  King  find  himself  obliged  to  yield,  I 
do  not  believe  his  crown  safer  on  his  head  than 
the  heads  of  his  ministers  on  their  shoulders. 
This  poor  English  people,  with  its  frantic  liberty, 
excites  real  compassion  in  every  reflective  mind  ! 
Never  has  it  known  the  pleasure  of  living  tran 
quilly  under  a  wise  and  virtuous  King.  They 
despise  us  and  regard  us  as  slaves  because  we 
cheerfully  obey  ;  if  France,  however,  has  some 
times  temporarily  suffered  under  a  weak  or 
wicked  prince,  never  has  that  licentious  fury 
which  the  English  term  liberty  given  a  moment 
of  happiness  and  true  repose  to  this  ungovern 
able  people.  Kings  and  subjects  are  both  equally 
unfortunate. 

"To  sum  up — America  is  lost  to  the  British  in 
spite  of  their  efforts.  The  war  rages  more  fiercely 


54  LOUIS  XVL 

in  London  than  in  Boston.  This  crisis  will  end 
in  bringing  on  war  with  the  French,  if  the  oppo 
sition  succeeds,  whether  Chatham  or  Rockingham 
replaces  Lord  North.  The  opposition  party,  to 
increase  the  difficulty,  are  intriguing  in  Portugal 
to  prevent  any  settlement  with  Spain. 

"  Our  ministry,  kept  badly  informed,  seems 
stagnant  and  passive  concerning  events  which 
thus  affect  us  nearly.  A  superior,  vigilant  man 
is  now  indispensable  in  London. 

"  Such,  Sire,  are  the  motives  of  my  secret  jour 
ney  to  France.  Whatever  use  Your  Majesty  may 
make  of  this  document,  I  am  sure  that  I  may 
count  on  the  integrity  and  kindness  of  my  mas 
ter,  and  hope  that  he  will  not  turn  these  proofs 
of  my  zeal  against  me  by  confiding  them  to  any 
one,  which  would  increase  the  number  of  my  en 
emies,  and  who  will  never  prevail  against  me  so 
long  as  I  am  sure  of  the  secrecy  and  protection 
of  Your  Majesty." 

Caron  de  Beaumarchais,  with  rare  perspicacity, 
says  De  Lomenie,  foresees  the  approaching  triumph  of 
the  colonies  (if  aided),  but  that  France  should  not 


LOUIS  xvi.  55 

enter  into  the  conflict  until  the  proper  moment  ar 
rives.  He  and  Vergennes  are  both  of  the  opinion 
that,  owing  to  the  intensity  of  party  spirit  at  this  time 
in  England,  George  III.  would  be  in  danger  in  case 
the  Americans  won  a  victory.  Whereas,  in  fact,  the 
defeat  of  the  English  troops  in  the  colonies  only  made 
the  King  more  stubborn  and  the  war,  or  Tory  party, 
more  energetic,  while  it  weakened  the  opposition 
party  friendly  to  the  Americans. 

The  day  following  the  placing  of  the  above  docu 
ment  in  Louis  XVI.'s  hands,  the  impatient  Beaumar- 
chais,  eager  to  quit  Paris  for  London,  wrote  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  as  follows  : 


"  MONSIEUR  LE  COMTE  : 

"  Indiscreet  zeal  should  be  suppressed  ;  if  sat 
isfactory  it  should  be  encouraged  ;  but  no  sagac 
ity  in  the  world  enables  one  to  divine  in  a  man 
who  says  nothing  what  he  must  do.  I  sent  yes 
terday  to  the  King,  through  M.  de  Sartines,  a 
summary  of  the  long  conference  you  kindly  fa 
vored  me  with  the  previous  evening.  It  is  an 
exact  report  on  the  men  and  the  state  of  things 
in  England.  It  ends  with  my  proposal  to  you  to 
stop  all  gossip  about  our  war  preparations  which 
might  hasten  or  retard  action.  The  Council 
must  have  had  this  matter  before  it,  and  yet 


56  LOUIS  XVI. 

this  morning  I  have  no  word  from  you.  Nothing 
is  so  fatal  to  business  as  uncertainty  or  loss  of 
time. 

"  Must  I  stay  here  for  your  answer  or  leave 
without  it  ?  Have  I  done  well  or  ill  in  fathom 
ing  minds  whose  dispositions  toward  us  are  be 
coming  of  such  consequence  ?  Must  I  let  the 
future  render  confidential  communications  abor 
tive,  and  repel,  instead  of  welcoming,  admissions 
that  ought  to  influence  our  resolutions  of  to-day  ? 
Finally,  am  I  a  useful  agent  to  my  country,  or 
merely  a  traveling  mute?  I  await  your  answer 
to  this  to  depart. 

"  BEAUMARCIIAIS. 

"  PARIS,  September  22,  1/75." 

The  desired  answer  to  this  somewhat  curt  letter 
came  the  following  day,  for  Vergennes  knew  how  to 
humor  Beaumarchais,  as  he  always  did  on  every  occa 
sion  except  when  grave  state  matters  obliged  him  to 
treat  the  "  Barber  of  Seville  "  with  diplomatic  for 
mality.  On  leaving  for  London,  Beaumarchais  sends 
the  following1  note  to  the  minister: 


b 


"  MONSIEUR  LE  COMTE  : 

"  I   leave,   thoroughly  informed  of  the    King's 
and  your  intentions.     Your  Excellency  may  rest 


LOUIS  AT/.  57 

easy.  I  should  be  guilty  of  an  unpardonable 
blunder  if,  in  such  an  affair,  I  in  any  way  com 
promised  the  dignity  of  my  master  or  that  of 
his  minister.  To  do  one's  best  in  (furtherance 
of)  a  policy  is  nothing — the  first  fool  that  comes 
along  may  promise  that ;  the  best  possible  is  that 
\vhich  should  distinguish  from  ordinary  servants 
one  whom  His  Majesty  and  yourself,  Monsieur 
le  Comte,  honor  with  your  confidence  in  so  deli 
cate  a  matter. 

"  I  am,  etc., 

"BEAUMARCHAIS." 


This  seems  to  be  the  proper  plaee  for  another 
letter  of  this  series,  without  any  date  (translated  and 
published  for  the  first  time  in  the  u  Magazine  of 
American  History,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  666,  to  which  the 
reader  is  referred),  in  which  letter  Beaumarchais 
presents  to  Louis  XVI.  his  plan  of  the  commer 
cial  house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.,  subse 
quently  carried  out.  The  object  of  Beaumarchais 
is  to  convince  the  King  that  the  French  Government 
could  thus  aid  the  Americans  without  exciting  the 
suspicion  of  the  English,  and  advance  funds  for  the 
purpose  "  without  fear  that  they  would  ever  mis 
carry  or  be  lost  in  faithless  hands."  Explanations 
are  further  given  in  the  letter  by  which  the  King 


58  LOUIS  XVI. 

can  see  how  money  so  advanced  may  multiply  itself 
ninefold,  according  to  the  ways  of  trade,  and  thus 
not  overburden  his  treasury.  One  extract  suffices 
to  show  Beaumarchais's  ingenuity  in  treating  the 
question  : 


"  I  have  treated  this  affair  so  far,  Sire,  in  the 
spirit  of  a  great  trader  who  wishes  to  make  a  suc 
cessful  speculation,  and  I  have  developed  to  you 
the  unique  secret  by  which  Commerce  in  bulk, 
drawing  all  its  benefits  from  without  by  the  ad 
vantageous  exchange  of  commodities,  augments 
the  prosperity  of  all  States  that  have  the  good 
sense  to  protect  it;  much  superior  to  the  art  of 
Finance,  which,  never  establishing  its  benefits 
except  on  interior  speculations  against  the  sub 
jects  of  the  State,  can  never  augment  the  fiscal 
product  except  at  the  expense  of  the  universal 
existence  of  the  subjects.  Instead  of  the  real  fat 
given  by  Commerce,  that  destructive  art  (of  Fi 
nance)  only  produces  a  monstrous  inflation  in  the 
body,  a  swelling  of  the  head  of  the  State,  occa 
sioned  by  the  poverty,  the  constraint,  and  gen 
eral  stagnation  of  all  the  other  parts  of  that  suf 
fering  body." 


LOUIS  XVI.  59 

The  next  document,  showing  Beaumarchais's  polit 
ical  sagacity,  his  knowledge,  thinking  capacity,  elo 
quence,  and,  to  a  greater  extent,  his  boldness  and 
fervor,  was  written  two  months  later,  and  probably 
laid  before  the  King  by  his  minister  as  soon  as 
received  : 


summa  injuria. 

"  Handed,  under  open  seal,  to   M.  de  Vergennes, 
December  7,  1775. 

"  Address  to  the  King  alone,  very  important. 

"  To  THE  KING  : 

"  SlRE  :  Your  Majesty's  disapproval  of  a  plan  is, 
in  general,  a  law  for  its  rejection  by  all  who  are 
interested  in  it. 

"  There  are  plans,  however,  of  such  supreme 
importance  to  the  welfare  of  your  kingdom  that 
a  zealous  servant  may  deem  it  right  to  present 
them  more  than  once,  for  fear  that  they  may  not 
have  been  understood  from  the  most  favorable 
point  of  view.  , 

"The  project  which  I  do  not  mention  here,  but 
which  Your  Majesty  is  aware  of  through  M.  de 
Vergennes,  is  of  this  number,  /  rely  wholly  on 


60  LOUIS   AT/. 

the  strength  of  my  reasons  to  secure  its  adoption. 
I  entreat  you,  Sire,  to  weigh  them  with  all  the 
attention  which  such  an  important  affair  de 
mands. 

"  When  this  paper  is  read  by  you,  my  duty  is 
done.  We  propose  and  you  judge,  Sire.  And 
yours  is  the  most  important  task,  for  we  are 
responsible  to  you  only  for  the  sincerity  of  our 
zeal,  while  you,  Sire,  are  responsible  to  God, 
to  yourself,  and  to  a  great  people  to  whom 
good  or  ill  may  ensue  according  to  your  de 
cision. 

"  M.  de  Vergennes  informs  me  that  Your 
Majesty  does  not  deem  it  just  to  adopt  the  pro 
posed  expedient. 

"The  objection,  then,  has  no  bearing  on  the 
immense  utility  of  the  project,  nor  on  the  danger 
of  carrying  it  out,  but  solely  on  the  delicate  con 
scientiousness  of  Your  Majesty. 

"  A  refusal  due  to  such  honorable  motives 
would  condemn  one  to  silence  and  to  stop  short, 
did  not  the  extreme  importance  of  the  proposed 
object  lead  one  to  examine  whether  the  justice  of 
the  King  of  France  is  really  interested  in  not 
adopting  such  an  expedient. 


LOUIS  XYI.  6 1 

"  In  general,  it  is  certain  that  any  idea,  any 
project  opposed  to  justice  should  be  discarded  by 
every  honest  man. 

"But,  Sire,  the  policy  of  governments  is  not  the 
moral  law  of  their  citizens.  One  may  do  no 
wrong  to  one's  neighbor,  whatever  benefit  one 
may  derive  therefrom,  because  all  live  under  the 
empire  of  civil  law,  alike  for  all,  and  which  pro 
vides  for  common  security.  But  a  kingdom  is  a 
vast  isolated  body,  farther  removed  from  its 
neighbors  by  a  diversity  of  interests,  than  by  the 
sea.  the  citadels,  and  the  barriers  which  bound  it. 
There  is  no  common  law  between  them  which  en 
sures  its  safety.  The  sole  relations  between 
kingdoms  are  those  of  natural  right,  that  is  to  say 
those  which  the  self-preservation,  the  welfare 
and  the  prosperity  of  each  impose  upon  each,  re 
lations  which  are  variously  modified  under  the 
name  of  international  law  (droit  de  gens),  the 
principle  of  which,  even  according  to  Montes 
quieu,  is  to  do  the  best  for  one  s  self  as  the  first 
law,  with  tJie  least  possible  wrong  to  other  govern 
ments  as  the  second  law. 

"The  recognition  of  this  maxim  in  political 
theory  is  so  well  established  that  the  king  who 


62  LOUIS 

would  govern  an  impoverished,  indigent  people, 
bound  to  regard  himself  as  the  father  of  his  own 
and  a  stranger  to  every  other  people,  could  not 
fairly  hinder  his  unfortunate  subjects,  in  default 
of  other  means  of  subsistence,  from  taking  what 
they  needed  from  neighboring  states,  and  even 
by  force  of  arms.  For  the  justice  and  protection 
which  a  king  owes  to  his  subjects  is  a  strict 
and  rigorous  duty ;  while  that  which  he  may 
accord  to  neighboring  states  is  never  other  than 
conventional.  Hence  it  follows  that  the  national 
policy  iv  1  lie J i  preserves  states  differs  in  every  re 
spect  almost  entirely  from  the  civil  morality  vvJiick 
governs  individuals.  If,  however,  a  prince,  allied 
to  another  prince  by  the  ties  of  blood,  of  sym 
pathy,  of  interest,  of  conventions;  if  solemn  en 
gagements  dictated  by  mutual  benefits  (the  only 
foundation  for  political  ties)  bind  them  together 
on  conditions  freely  accepted  by  each,  like  those 
of  the  Family  Pact,  which  unites  in  one  political 
body  the  Italian,  Spanish  and  French  branches 
of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  or  any  other  treaty 
with  any  other  European  prince,  it  is  under 
stood  that  neither  of  the  associates  could  aid  in 
an}'  wrong  which  rebels  or  enemies  might  strive 


LOUIS  XVI.  63 

to  do  to  its  ally,  without  offense  to  its  delicacy 
and  justice,  for,  in  relation  to  this  ally,  it  lives 
under  the  restrictions  of  a  pact  the  articles  of 
which  are  a  common  law  and  so  many  estab 
lished  umpires  of  reciprocal  acts,  this  pact  being 
the  moral  law  to  which  they  have  agreed  to 
subject  themselves. 

"And  how  this  has  been  broken  by  every 
prince  !  But  the  only  reason  which  can  justify 
such  cases  is  national  preservation.  Salus populi, 
snprema  lex! 

"  But,  Sire,  has  there  ever  been,  and  can  there 
ever  be,  one  tie  between  France  and  England 
capable  of  arresting  Your  Majesty?  When  it  is 
demonstrated  that  the  repose  of  your  kingdom, 
the  welfare  of  your  subjects,  the  splendor  of  your 
reign  solely  depend  on  the  humiliation  you  are 
able  to  bring  on  that  natural  enemy,  that  jealous 
rival  of  your  success,  that  people  always  systemati 
cally  unjust  to  you,  and  who  are  governed  toward 
you  solely  by  that  wicked  maxim,  '  Should  we  act 
justly  to  the  French  and  Spaniards  we  should  have 
to  restore  too  much  !  '  '  Our  duty  is  to  keep  con 
stantly  weakening-  them'  is  a  welcome  maxim  ever 
on  the  lips  of  that  famous  Pitt  who  has  become 


64  LOUIS  XVI. 

the  idol  of  the  English  nation,  after  failing  to  get 
a  company  of  dragoons  because  he  had  neither 
chivalry  nor  capacity  enough  to  perform  this  insig 
nificant  service  !  I  go  further,  Sire.  No  treat}-, 
even,  that  Your  Majesty  could  have  made  with 
the  King  of  England,  would  have  justly  re 
strained  you  on  this  occasion.  This  King,  who 
scarcely  enjoys  one-third  of  an  authority  which 
is  divided  amongst  the  nobles,  the  people  and 
himself;  his  fidelity  which  he  might  suppose  to  be 
your  due,  would  never  prevent  him  from  injuring 
us  all  he  could,  for  he  does  not  desire  war  ;  it  is 
the  English  people  which  steadily  demands  it, 
and  which,  with  this  end  in  view,  will  always 
compel  its  King  to  yield,  let  his  personal  sense 
of  equity  toward  yourself  be  what  it  ma}'.  Such  is 
the  audacious,  unbridled,  shameless  people  you 
will  always  have  to  deal  with  !  It  is  they  only  I 
have  in  view  in  the  proposed  plan.  It  is  they 
only,  Sire,  which  it  concerns  you  to  Jiumiliatc  and 
weaken,  if  you  do  not  wish  to  be  humiliated  and 
weakened  yourself,  on  every  occasion.  Have  tJic 
usurpations  and  outrages  of  this  people  ever  had 
any  limit  but  that  of  its  strength  ?  Has  it  not 
always  waged  war  against  you  without  declaring 


LOUIS  XVI.  65 

it  ?  Did  it  not  begin  the  last  one,  in  a  time  of 
peace,  by  the  sudden  capture  of  five  hundred  of 
your  vessels?  Did  it  not  humble  you  by  forcing 
you  to  destroy  your  finest  seaport,  and  to  dis 
arm  the  others  by  fixing  t/ie  small  number  of 
vessels  it  JienccfortJi  allowed  you  ?  *  Has  it  not 
again  recently  subjected  your  merchant  vessels  to 
inspection  on  the  northern  seas?  A  humiliation 
which  the  Dutch  would  not  tolerate  is  exclusively 
reserved  for  us!  a  humiliation  which  would  have 
made  Louis  XIV.  plutot  in  anger  ses  bras  than 
not  atone  for  it?  A  humiliation,  finally,  which 
makes  the  heart  of  every  true  Frenchman  bleed, 
especially  on  seeing  that  insolent  rival  attracting 
Russian  vessels  to  these  very  waters  on  which  we 
dare  not  intrude,  teaching'  tJiein  the  road  to  our 
possessions  in  Ameriea  in  order  that  they  may  some 
day  Jiclp  our  enemies  to  capture  them.  The  most 
solemn  treaty  of  peace,  to  this  usurping  nation,  is 
mereh*  a  truce  demanded  by  exhaustion,  and 
from  which  it  always  issues  through  glaring  hos 
tilities. 

"  Unable,  Sire,  to  render  the  King  of  England 

*  An  erroneous  assertion. 


66  LOUIS  XVt. 

responsible  for  infractions  by  his  subjects  of  the 
treaties  existing  between  this  prince  and  your 
self,  to  whom  then  are  you  now  loyal  ?  From 
whence,  then,  come  your  scruples? 

"Your  Majesty  is  no  longer  ignorant  that  the 
late  King,  forced  by  events  to  accept  the  almost 
shameful  peace  of  1763,  swore  to  avenge  the  in 
dignities  cast  upon  his  name  and  nation  by  this 
odious  neighbor.  The  very  singularity  of  his 
plan  only  the  better  discloses  his  indignation  ; 
up  to  his  death  he  expressed  his  chagrin  at  his 
inability  to  carry  it  out. 

"  And  you,  Sire,  whom  fortune  favors  with  a 
better  career  than  that  allowed  to  your  prede 
cessor  during  his  long  rule ;  you  who  know  that 
without  the  intestine  commotions  which  worry 
the  English,  they  would  already  have  profited 
by  the  state  of  weakness  and  disorder  in  which 
the  late  King  transmitted  the  kingdom  to  you— 
that  they  might  deprive  you  of  the  pitiful  re 
mains  of  your  possessions  in  America,  Africa,  and 
India,  nearly  all  of  them  in  their  hands — and  yet 
Your  Majesty  is  so  delicate  and  conscientious  as 
to  hesitate ! 

"  An  indefatigable,  zealous  servant  succeeds  in 


LOUIS  XVI,  67 

putting  the  most  formidable  weapon  in  your 
hand,  one  you  can  use  without  committing 
yourself  and  without  striking  a  blow,  so  as  to 
abase  your  natural  enemies  and  render  them  in 
capable  of  injuring  you  for  a  long  time  ;  yet  your 
delicate  sense  of  justice  leads  you  to  reject  an 
opportunity  which  could  not  happen  twice  during 
your  reign,  however  long  we  may  desire  it !  Ah, 
Sire,  if  you  believe  you  o\ve  so  much  to  that 
proud  English  people,  do  you  owe  nothing  to 
your  own  good  people  in  France,  in  America,  and 
in  India  ?  But,  if  your  scruples  are  so  delicate  that 
you  /i are  no  desire  to  favor  even  what  may  injure 
your  enemies,  how,  Sire,  can  you  allow  your  sub 
jects  to  contend  with  other  Europeans  in  conquer 
ing  countries  belonging  to  the  poor  Indians  and  the 
African  savages  or  Caribs  who  have  never  wronged 
you  ?  How  can  you  allow  your  vessels  to  take  by 
force  and  bind  in  chains  the  suffering  black  men 
wJioin  nature  made  free,  and  who  are  miserable 
only  because  you  are  poiverful?  Hoiv  can  yon 
suffer  three  rival  powers  to  seize  iniquitously  upon 
and  divide  Poland  under  your  very  eyes  ?  Why 
have  you  a  pact  with  Spain  by  which  you  bind 
yourself,  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  to  fur- 


68  LOUIS  XVI. 

nish  men,  vessels,  and  money  to  this  ally ;  to  aid 
it  in  making  war,  even  offensive,  on  the  first 
requisition,  without  having  reserved  the  right  to 
examine  'whether  the  war  to  ivJiicJi  you  are  com 
mitted  is  a  just  one,  or  if  you  are  not  helping  an 
usurper?  It  is  not  Your  Majesty,  I  am  aware, 
who  has  brought  about  or  permitted  these 
things.  They  existed  previous  to  your  reign, 
they  will  still  exist  after  it;  such  is  the  order  of 
things  in  the  political  world  ;  here,  examples 
abound  to  such  an  extent  that  it  is  only  neces 
sary  for  me  to  remind  you  of  a  few  of  them,  to 
prove  to  you,  Sire,  that  t/ie  policy  which  maintains 
nations  differs  almost  entirely  from  the  moral  law 
which  governs  individuals. 

"Were  men  angels  political  ways  might,  un 
doubtedly,  be  disdained  and  even  detested.  But 
if  men  were  angels  there  would  be  no  need  of 
religion  to  enlighten  them,  of  laws  to  govern 
them,  of  magistrates  to  restrain  them,  of  soldiers 
to  subdue  them  ;  and  the  earth,  instead  of  being 
a  faithful  image  of  hell,  would  be  indeed  a  celes 
tial  abode.  But  all  we  can  do  is  to  take  men  as 
they  are,  and  the  wisest  King  can  go  no  further 
with  them  than  the  legislator  Solon,  who  said: 


LOUIS  XV 7.  69 

'  I  do  not  give  the  Athenians  the  best  laws,  but 
only  those  which  are  adapted  to  the  place,  the 
time,  and  the  people  for  whom  I  make  them.'  * 

"  Since,  accordingly,  the  sovereign  principle  for 
all  states  is  political,  and  this  is  indispensable  for 
their  maintenance,  deign,  Sire,  never  to  lose  sight 
of  this,  that  the  masterpiece  of  sound  policy  is  to 
base  your  tranquillity  on  the  divisions  of  your 
enemies.  In  adhering  to  this  precious  moral,  which 
renders  you  so  superior,  for  the  internal  adminis 
tration  of  your  kingdom,  you  will  have  worthily 
performed  the  duties  of  a  good  and  a  great  King. 

"  Richelieu,  who  rose  from  obscurity  to  the  high 
est  degree  of  power, — that  man  of  genius  to 
whom  Royal  authority  in  France  is  under  so  many 
obligations, — Richelieu,  desirous  of  successfully 
carrying  out  the  plans  which  he  had  devised  for 
his  master's  grandeur,  did  not  consider  the  justice 
of  Louis  XIII.  interested  in  not  fomenting 
the  troubles  in  England  which  finally  deprived 
Charles  I.  of  his  throne.  He  aided  the  usurper 
Cromwell  with  money,  with  succors  and  with  all 
the  power  of  French  diplomacy ;  not  that  he  re- 

*  The  whole  of  this  passage  is  underscored  by  Beaumarchais  in 
the  original  MS. 


70  LOUIS  XVI. 

garded  this  usurpation  as  legitimate,  but  because, 
as  a  great  man,  he  perceived  that  to  keep  the 
English  trammeled  at  home  by  their  own  embar 
rassments  was  the  only  way  to  prevent  them  from 
causing  embarrassment  to  his  master. 

"  A  few  years  before  this,  when  Catalonia  at 
tempted  to  withdraw  from  Spanish  domination, 
and  Portugal,  more  fortunate,  succeeded  in  cast 
ing  off  the  yoke  of  Spain,  did  the  Council  of 
France  entertain  the  slightest  scruple  about  the 
secret  assistance  demanded  of  it  by  Barcelona 
and  Lisbon  ? 

"  France  seemed  openly  to  blame  the  Cata- 
lonians  and  the  audacity  of  the  Duke  of  Bra- 
ganza,  but  she  did  not  the  less  favor  them  in 
secret  with  all  her  power;  through  the  supreme 
political  reason  that  to  aid  in  dismembering  or 
weakening  Spain,  at  that  time  her  rival,  was 
laboring  in  behalf  of  her  own  glory  and  pros 
perity.  And  yet  Spain  lacked  a  great  deal  in 
being  as  formidable  for  France  as  England  has 
since  become. 

"  Sire,  there  is  a  sublime  law  in  the  English  crim 
inal  code,  namely,  that  by  which  an  accused  per 
son  who  turns  state's  evidence,  and  brings  his 


LOUIS  AT/.  71 

accomplices  to  the  gallows,  saves  his  life  what 
ever  his  crime  may  be.  Thus  to  arm  iniquity 
against  itself  is  the  surest  ivay  to  ensure  its  destruc 
tion.  Now,  we  must  never  forget  that  England 
is  to  France  what  English  robbers  are  to  their 
own  citizens.  When  you  observe,  Sire,  how  they 
have  driven  us  almost  entirely  from  three-quar 
ters  of  the  globe,  you  will  be  satisfied  that  it  is 
not  a  lack  of  will,  but  of  force,  that  has  failed 
them  in  suffering  you  to  tranquilly  enjoy  the 
superb  inheritance  in  Europe  which  your  fathers 
have  transmitted  to  you. 

"  I  entreat  you,  Sire,  in  the  name  of  your  sub 
jects,  to  whom  you  owe  your  best  efforts  ;  in  the 
name  of  that  inward  repose  which  Your  Majesty 
so  properly  cherishes  ;  in  the  name  of  the  glory 
and  prosperity  of  a  reign  begun  under  such  happy 
auspices  ;  I  entreat  you,  Sire,  not  to  be  deceived 
by  the  brilliant  sophism  of  a  false  sensibility. 
Summum  jus,  summa  injuria.  This  deplorable 
excess  of  equity  toward  your  enemies  would  be 
the  most  signal  injustice  toward  your  subjects, 
who  would  soon  suffer  the  penalty  of  scruples  so 
out  of  place. 

"  I  have  treated  the  gravest  questions  summa- 


72  LOUIS  XVI. 

rily  for  fear  of  weakening  my  arguments  by  giving 
them  greater  extension,  and  especially  through 
fear  of  wearying  the  attention  of  Your  Majesty. 

"  If  any  doubts  still  remain,  Sire,  after  reading 
what  I  have  presented  to  you,  efface  my  signa 
ture,  and  have  this  attempt  copied  by  another 
hand,  in  order  that  the  feebleness  of  the  reasoncr 
may  not  diminish  the  force  of  his  argument,  and 
lay  this  discussion  before  any  man  instructed  by 
experience  and  knowledge  of  worldly  affairs  ;  and 
if  there  is  one,  beginning  li'itk  J\I.  de  Verge/Dies, 
who  does  not  agree  with  me,  I  close  my  mouth  ; 
I  cast  into  the  fire  Scaliger,  Grotius,  Puffcndorf, 
Gravina,  Montesquieu,  every  writer  on  public 
rights,  and  admit  that  the  study  of  my  life  has 
been  only  a  loss  of  time  ;  since  it  has  only  ended 
in  a  powerlessness  to  persuade  my  master  on  a 
subject  which  seems  as  clear  as  it  is  important 
for  his  interests. 

"  Finally,  Sire,  I  must  confess  to  being  so  con 
founded  by  Your  Majesty's  refusal  that,  unable 
to  find  a  better  reason  for  it,  I  conjecture  that 
the  negotiator  is  an  obstacle  to  the  success  of 
this  important  affair  in  the  mind  of  Your  Majesty. 

"  Sire,  my  own  interest  is  nothing,  that  of  serv- 


LOUIS  XVI.  73 

ing  you  is  everything.  Select  any  man  of 
probity,  intelligence,  and  discretion  who  can  be 
relied  upon  ;  I  will  take  him  to  England  and 
make  such  efforts  as  I  hope  will  attain  for  him 
the  same  confidence  that  has  been  awarded  to 
myself.  He  shall  conduct  the  affair  to  a  success 
ful  issue,  while  I  will  return  and  fall  back  into 
the  quiet  obscurity  from  which  I  emerged,  rejoic 
ing  in  having  at  least  begun  an  affair  of  the  great 
est  utility  a  negotiator  was  ever  honored  with. 
"  CAROX  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

"  It  is  absolutely  impossible  to  give  in  writing 
all  that  relates  to  this  affair  at  bottom  on  account 
of  the  profound  secrecy  which  it  requires,  although 
it  is  extremely  easy  for  me  to  demonstrate  the 
safety  of  undertaking,  the  facility  of  doing,  the 
certainty  of  success,  and  the  immense  harvest  of 
glory  and  tranquillity  which,  Sire,  this  small  grain 
of  seed,  sowed  in  time,  must  give  to  your 
reign. 

"  May  the  guardian  angel  of  this  government 
incline  the  heart  and  the  mind  of  Your  Majesty. 
Should  he  award  us  this  first  success,  the  rest 
will  take  care  of  itself.  I  answer  for  it," 


74  LOUIS  XVI. 

The  following  letter,  entitled  "  Peace  or  War,"  and 
the  last,  was  sent  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes 
under  open  seal,  February  29,  1776  : 

"  TO  THE  KING  ALONE  : 

"  SlRE, — The  famous  quarrel  between  America 
and  England,  soon  to  divide  the  world  and  effect 
a  change  in  the  European  system,  imposes  on 
each  power  the  necessity  of  carefully  examining 
to  what  extent  this  event  of  separation  will  influ 
ence  things  either  for  good  or  for  evil. 

"  But  the  most  interested  of  all  is  certainly 
France,  whose  sugar-producing  islands,  since  the 
last  treaty  of  peace,  form  a  constant  object  of  re 
gret  and  desire  on  the  part  of  England,  and 
which  will  ultimately  lead  to  a  war  with  us  un 
less,  through  a  weakness  which  can  not  possibly 
be  imagined,  we  should  consent  to  sacrifice  our 
rich  possessions  in  the  Gulf  to  a  shameful  peace, 
one  more  destructive  than  this  war  we  dread. 

"  In  a  former  memorial,  handed  to  Your  Maj 
esty  three  months  ago  by  M.  cle  Vergennes,  1 
tried  to  make  it  clear  that  Your  Majesty's  sense 
of  justice  would  not  suffer  by  taking  wise  precau 
tions  against  enemies  who  are  never  delicate  in 
their  measures  against  us.  Now  that  violence  is 


LOUIS  XVI.  75 

imminent,  I  am  obliged  to  warn  Your  Majesty  that 
the  preservation  of  our  possessions  in  America 
and  the  peace  he  seems  so  ardently  to  desire  de 
pend  wholly  on  this  one  proposition — the  Ameri 
cans  must  be  helped ,  which  I  proceed  to  demon 
strate. 

"  The  King1  of  England,  the  ministers,  the  Par 
liament,  the  opposition,  the  nation,  the  English 
people — in  fine,  all  parties  that  rend  this  govern 
ment,  agree  that  they  can  no  longer  flatter  them 
selves  with  the  return  of  the  Americans  to  their 
allegiance,  nor  even  that  the  strenuous  efforts  now 
made  to  subdue  them  will  prove  successful. 
'Hence,  Sire,  those  violent  debates  between  the 
Cabinet  and  the  Opposition,  that  flux  and  reflux 
of  accepted  and  rejected  opinions,  which,  not  ad 
vancing  matters,  only  serve  to  throw  more  light 
on  the  question. 

"  Lord  North,  afraid  to  take  the  helm  singly  at 
the  height  of  such  a  tempest,  has  taken  advant 
age  of  Lord  Germaine's  ambition  and  thrown  the 
whole  burden  of  affairs  on  his  shoulders.  Lord 
Germaine,  stunned  by  the  din  and  overcome 
by  the  formidable  arguments  of  the  opposition 
party,  thus  addresses  Lords  Shelburne  and 


76  LOUIS  XVI. 

Buckingham,  the  party  -  leaders  :  '  Gentlemen, 
dare  you,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  satisfy 
the  nation  that  the  Americans  will  submit 
to  the  Navigation  Act  and  return  to  their  alle 
giance  on  the  sole  condition,  prescribed  in  Lord 
Shelburnes  plan,  of  things  being  restored  to  what 
they  were  before  the  troubles  of  1763?  If  you 
clare  do  this,  gentlemen,  assume  the  ministry 
and  charge  yourselves  with  the  safety  of  the 
state  at  your  risk  and  peril.' 

"The  Opposition,  disposed  to  take  the  minister 
at  his  word,  and  ready  to  accept,  is  deterred  only 
by  the  uncertainty  whether  the  Americans,  en 
couraged  by  their  success  and,  perhaps,  embold 
ened  by  secret  treaties  with  Spain  and  France, 
will  not  now  refuse  conditions  of  peace  which 
they  begged  for  with  uplifted  hands  two  years 
ago. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  Sieur  L.  (Lee),  secret  repre 
sentative  of  the  Colonies  in  London,  completely 
discouraged  by  his  useless  efforts  through  me  to 
obtain  powder  and  other  munitions  from  the 
French  minister,  now  declares  to  me  :  '  For  the 
last  time  I  ask  you  whether  France  has  abso 
lutely  decided  not  to  help  us,  and  thus  become 


LOUIS  XVI.  77. 

the  victim  of  England  and  the  laughing-stock  of 
all  Europe  on  account  of  this  incredible  torpor? 
Oblige  me  with  a  positive  and  final  answer.  I 
am  waiting  for  yours  to  give  mine.  We  offer  to 
France,  in  return  for  her  secret  assistance,  a  secret 
treaty  of  commerce  by  ivhich  she  will  secure  for  a 
certain  number  of  years  after  peace  is  declared  all 
t/ie  advantages  with  which  we  have  enriched  Eng 
land  for  t/ie  past  century,  with,  additionally,  a 
guarantee  of 'her  possessions  according  to  our  forces, 
Don't  you  want  this?  All  I  ask  of  Lord  Shel- 
burnc  is  time  enough  to  send  a  vessel  there  and 
back  to  convey  the  English  propositions  to  Con 
gress,  and  I  can  now  tell  you  beforehand  what 
resolutions  Congress  will  pass  in  regard  to  them. 
It  will  at  once  issue  a  proclamation,  in  which  it 
will  offer  every  nation  in  the  world  for  its  assist 
ance  the  very  conditions  I  now  secretly  propose 
to  you,  and  then,  to  avenge  itself  on  France  and 
force  her  to  make  a  declaration  which  will  com 
mit  her  absolutely,  it  will  send  the  first  English 
prizes  she  takes  into  your  ports,  so  that,  which 
ever  way  you  turn,  this  war  that  you  try  to  avoid 
and  dread  so  much  will  become  inevitable,  for 
you  will  either  allow  our  prizes  to  enter  your 


7^  LOUIS  XVI. 

ports,  or  you  will  not  ;  if  you  do  allow  them  a 
rupture  with  England  is  certain  ;  if  you  do  not, 
Congress  will  make  peace  on  the  conditions  pro 
posed  by  the  mother-country  ;  the  aggrieved 
Americans  will  join  forces  with  England  to 
attack  your  islands,  and  prove  to  you  that  the 
very  precautions  you  took  to  keep  your  posses 
sions  were  just  the  ones  which  were  to  deprive 
you  of  them  for  ever.  Come,  sir,  go  to  France. 
Show  them  how  matters  stand.  I  shall  retire 
into  the  country  until  you  return,  so  as  not  to  be 
obliged  to  give  an  answer  until  I  receive  yours. 
Say  to  your  ministers  that  I  am  ready  to  follow 
you  there,  if  necessary,  to  confirm  these  declar 
ations.  Tell  them  that  /  learn  t/iat  Congress  has 
sent  two  deputies  to  Madrid  for  the  same  object, 
and  moreover  I  can  assure  you  that  they  Jiave 
received  a  satisfactory  answer.  Must  the  French 
Council  enjoy  the  glorious  prerogative  of  alone 
being  blind  to  the  fame  of  its  King  and  to  the 
interests  of  his  Kindom  ?'" 


Sainte-Beuve  says  that  at  this  period,  1775,  when 
the  "  Barber  of  Seville  "  was  put  on  the  stage,  Beau- 
marchais  was  in  the  plenitude  of  his  genius.  It  is 
certain  that  Figaro  did  not  argue  with  Count  Alma- 


LOUIS  XVI.  79 

viva  more  ingeniously  than  Beaumarchais  argues  with 
the  King  to  convince  him  and  bring  about  the  desired 
end.  If  he  was  indebted  to  Arthur  Lee  for  any  of 
the  above  ideas,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  they 
talked  the  matter  over,  the  dramatic  form  in  which 
they  are  presented  is  his  own  ;  the  Continental  Con 
gress  was  far  more  indebted  to  its  clever  French 
advocate  than  to  its  secret  agent  for  their  successful 
application. 

"  Such,  Sire,"  he  continues  more  warmly,  "  is 
our  startling  and  frightful  position.  Your  Maj 
esty  sincerely  desires  peace  !  The  way  to  keep 
it,  Sire,  is  summed  up  as  follows  in  the  present 
memorial.  Let  us  admit  every  possible  hypoth 
esis  and  carefully  consider  the  question.  The 
following  is  of  the  utmost  consequence. 

11  Either  England  will  be  successful  in  America, 
or  the  Americans  will  repulse  the  English  with 
loss. 

"  Either  England  will  decide,  as  the  King  has 
already  done,  on  abandoning  the  colonies  to 
themselves,  and  to  a  friendly  separation,  or  the 
Opposition,  in  assuming  the  government,  will 
answer  for  the  submission  of  the  colonies  on  con 
dition  of  a  return  to  the  state  of  things  as  it 
existed  in  1763. 


80  LOUIS  xri. 

"This  embraces  every  possibility.  Is  there  any 
one  of  them  which  will  not  immediately  bring  on 
the  war  you  desire  to  avoid?  Sire,  in  the  name 
of  God,  deign  to  follow  me  in  examining 
them. 

"  I.  Should  England  triumph  in  America  it 
will  only  be  at  an  enormous  sacrifice  of  men  and 
money.  Now  the  sole  compensation  which  the 
English  propose  to  themselves  after  so  many 
losses  is  to  seize  the  French  islands  on  their 
return  home,  and  thus  become  the  exclusive 
traders  in  the  precious  product  of  sugar,  which 
can  alone  repair  all  damages  to  their  commerce. 
....  Then,  Sire,  nothing  would  remain  to  you 
but  to  begin  a  fruitless  war  too  late,  or  to  sacri 
fice  to  the  most  humiliating  of  all  inactive  peaces 
the  whole  of  your  American  colonies,  thereby 
losing  280,000,000  of  capital  and  over  30,000,000 
of  revenue. 

"  2.  Should  the  Americans  be  victorious  they 
become  at  once  free  ;  while  the  English,  in  de 
spair  at  seeing  themselves  deprived  of  three- 
quarters  of  their  possessions,  will  be  only  in 
greater  haste  to  indemnify  themselves  through 
the  easy  acquisition  of  our  American  possessions, 


LOUIS  xv r.  s  i 

and  \ve  may  be  sure  that  they  will  not  fail  to  do 
this. 

"  3.  Should  the  English  conclude  to  abandon 
the  colonies  without  striking  a  blow,  which  the 
King  secretly  desires,  the  loss  being  the  same  so 
far  as  their  existence  is  concerned,  and  their 
commerce  being  likewise  ruined,  the  result  for  us 
is  the  same  as  before  ;  except  that  the  English, 
less  enfeebled  by  a  friendly  separation  than  by  a 
bloody  and  ruinous  campaign,  will  have  all  the 
more  means  and  facilities  for  capturing  our 
islands,  which  they  can  not  dispense  with,  if  they 
desire  to  preserve  their  own  and  retain  a  foot 
hold  in  America. 

"  4.  Should  the  Opposition  accept  the  govern 
ment  and  conclude  a  treaty  of  reunion  with  the 
colonies,  the  Americans,  exasperated  against 
France,  whose  refusals  to  aid  them  will  alone 
have  forced  them  to  submit  to  the  mother  coun 
try,  will,  from  this  time  forth,  join  forces  with  the 
English  and  capture  our  islands.  They  will 
make  this  a  condition  of  their  alliance,  and  God 
knows  with  what  delight  a  ministry  composed  of 
Lords  Chatham,  Shelburne,  and  Rockingham, 
whose  dispositions  toward  us  are  well  known, 


§2  LOUIS  XVI. 

will  adopt  American  resentment  and  bring  on 
you  the  most  persistent  and  cruel  war. 

"What  can  be  done,  therefore,  in  this  extrem 
ity  to  preserve  peace  and  keep  our  islands  ? 

"  You  will,  Sire,  maintain  the  peace  you  desire 
only  by  preventing  at  any  cost  a  peace  between 
England  and  America  ;  and  again  by  preventing 
either  from  being  completely  triumphant  over 
the  other ;  and  the  only  way  to  succeed  in  this 
is  to  help  the  Americans  in  such  a  way  as  to 
equalize  their  forces  with  those  of  England,  and 
not  go  beyond  that.  And,  believe  me,  Sire,  the 
saving  of  a  few  millions  to-day  may  cost  France 
before  long  floods  of  blood  and  treasure.  And 
especially,  Sire,  bear  in  mind  that  the  forced  prep 
arations  for  the  first  campaign  would  cost  you 
more  than  all  the  assistance  now  asked  for,  and 
that  the  miserable  saving  of  two  or  three  mil 
lions  will,  before  two  years  are  over,  certainly  be 
a  loss  to  you  of  over  three  hundred  millions. 

"  If,  in  answer  to  this,  you  are  told  that  we 
can  not  help  the  Americans  without  offense  to 
England  and  without  bringing  on  us  the  storm 
which  I  would  anticipate,  I  reply  in  my  turn  that 
we  run  no  risk  if  the  plan  I  have  so  often  pro- 


LOUIS  XVI.  83 

posed  be  followed,  namely  that  of  secretly  aiding 
the  Americans  without  compromising  ourselves, 
by  imposing  on  them,  as  a  first  condition,  the 
exclusion  of  their  prizes  from  our  ports,  and 
that  they  shall  commit  no  act  which  tends  to 
reveal  the  aid  we  furnish,  and  which  they  would 
lose  on  the  the  first  indiscretion  committed  by 
Congress.  And  if  Your  Majesty  can  not  find  an 
abler  man  than  myself  to  employ  in  this  matter, 
I  will  undertake  it  and  be  responsible  for  the 
treaty  without  compromising  anybody,  satisfied 
as  I  am  that  my  zeal  will  better  make  up  for  a 
deficiency  of  skill  than  the  skill  of  another  in 
place  of  my  zeal. 

"  Your  Majesty  must  readily  perceive  that 
success  depends  wholly  on  secrecy  and  celerity. 
One  thing  is  of  infinite  importance  in  this  con 
nection,  and  that  is,  if  possible,  to  secure  the  re 
turn  of  Lord  Stormont  to  London,  who,  through 
his  relations  in  France,  is  able  to  keep  the  Eng 
lish  daily  advised  of  all  that  is  said  and  done  in 
Your  Majesty's  councils.  Strange  as  this  may 
seem,  it  is  a  fact.  There  could  not  be  a  better 
opportunity  for  the  recall  of  M.  de  Guines.  Eng 
land  insists  on  having  an  ambassador.  If  Your 


84  LOUIS  XTL 

Majesty  is  in  no  haste  to  appoint  a  successor  to 
M.  de  Guines,  and  will  merely  appoint  a  charge 
d'affaires,  or  a  minister  of  recognized  capacity, 
Lord  Stormont  will  be  at  once  recalled  and  only 
a  minister  sent  in  his  place  who  would  have  to 
wait  a  long  time  before,  through  his  connections, 
he  could  do  us  as  much  harm  as  Lord  Stormont.* 
Once  the  crisis  is  over,  the  most  frivolous  or 
the  most  ostentatious  of  our  seigniors  may  be 
appointed  ambassador  to  London  without  risk  : 
whether  this  succeeds  or  not,  the  rest  would  be 
of  no  consequence. 

"  Your  Majesty  may  judge  by  what  I  am  now 
doing  whether  my  zeal  is  as  intelligent  as  it 
is  ardent  and  trustworthy. 

"  Should  my  august  master,  however,  be  un 
mindful  of  the  danger  to  which  a  faithful  servant 
is  liable  through  a  hasty  expression  which  may 
fall  from  his  lips,  and  suffer  it  to  appear  that  he 
receives  these  secret  instructions  from  me,  then 
would  even  all  his  authority  scarcely  guarantee 

*This  suggestion,  that  of  a  clever  dramatist,  proved  successful. 
The  maneuvers  of  English  spies,  it  must  be  added  in  this  con 
nection,  in  getting  hold  of  secrets,  and  especially  those  of  American 
envoys,  are  on  record,  and  when  published  will  furnish  a  diverting 
chapter  in  American  history. 


LOUIS  AT/.  85 

me  from  ruin,  so  powerful,  Sire,  is  cabal  and 
intrigue  in  your  court  to  impede  and  crush 
the  most  important  enterprises.  Your  Majesty 
kno\vs  better  than  any  one  that  secrecy  is  the 
soul  of  business,  and  that  in  politics  a  project 
kno\vn  is  a  project  lost. 

"  Since  I  began  to  serve  you,  Sire,  I  have 
made  no  demand  upon  you,  and  I  never  shall. 
All  I  ask,  O  my  Master,  is  that  you  do  not  prevent 
me  from  laboring  in  your  behalf,  and  my  life  is 
devoted  to  your  service. 

"  CAROX  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS." 

The  Count  de  Vergennes  must  have  thought  these 
letters  able  and  better  adapted  to  his  purposes  than  he 
could  write  himself,  or  he  would  not  have  handed 
them  to  the  King.  They  had  the  desired  effect,  deter 
mining  the  King  to  accept  Yergennes's  policy  and 
measures.  Beaumarchais  may  therefore  be  regarded 
as  one  of  the  ablest  diplomats  in  relation  to  the 
Americans  and  their  cause. 

Such  were  the  first  steps  taken  to  help  the  Amer 
icans,  and.  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  before  the  proc 
lamation  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  as  well 
as  some  time  before  Lafayette  left  France  for  the 
United  States.  We  have  now  to  accompany  Beau 
marchais  on  the  "  sea  of  troubles  "  on  which  he 
launched  himself.  As  De  Lomenie  says,  "  From 


86  LOUIS  XVI. 

this  day  on,Beaumarchais's  role  in  the  American  affair 
changes  its  character.  He  passes  from  the  state  of 
observer  and  instigator  to  that  of  actor.  He  no 
longer  merely  writes  memorials,  but  dispatches  car 
goes  and  wars  with  the  winds,  the  waves,  the  English, 
and  the  hesitations  of  the  French  ministry  ;  and  when, 
through  the  effect  of  his  operations,  war  between 
France  and  England  is  at  last  declared,  he  makes  a 
brilliant  figure  with  his  navy." 


VI. 
THE  SERVICES  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

'T^HE  plan  for  aiding  the  Americans  secretly,  or  as 
1  nearly  so  as  possible,  suggested  by  Beaumarchais, 
was  accepted  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  and  en 
tered  upon  as  soon  as  the  King's  scruples  were  over 
come.  The  spirit  and  intent  of  it,  as  verified  by 
events,  is  thus  stated  by  De  Lomenie.  The  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  is  supposed  to  address  Beaumar 
chais  as  follows  : 

"  The  operation  must  essentially  assume,  both  in 
the  eyes  of  the  English  and  American  governments, 
the  aspect  of  a  speculation  by  an  individual,  to  which 
we  are  strangers.  To  appear  so  it  must  be  so  up  to 
a  certain  point.  We  will  secretly  give  you  a  million 
of  francs.  We  shall  try  to  get  Spain  to  join  us  in  this 
affair,  and,  on  her  side,  to  contribute  an  equal  sum  ; 
with  these  two  millions  and  the  co-operation  of 
other  parties  who  may  desire  to  take  part  in  your  en 
terprise  you  will  establish  a  large  commercial  house, 
and,  at  your  risk  and  peril,  supply  America  with  arms, 
munitions,  equipments,  and  all  other  objects  necessary 
for  carrying  on  a  war.  Our  arsenals  will  deliver  to 
you  arms  and  munitions  which  you  can  replace  or 
pay  for.  You  will  not  demand  money  of  the  Ameri- 

87 


88  THE    SERVICES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

cans  because  they  have  none  ;  but  you  will  demand 
of  them  a  return  in  the  produce  of  their  soil,  in 
the  distribution  of  which  throughout  the  kingdom 
we  will  help  you,  and  you  will  on  your  part  afford 
them  all  the  facilities  possible.  In  a  word,  it  is  essen 
tial  that  the  operation  which  we  secretly  support  at  the 
outset,  grow  and  develop  through  its  own  support. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  as  we  reserve  the  right  of 
favoring  or  opposing  it  according  to  political  contin 
gencies,  you  will  render  us  an  account  of  your  profits 
and  losses,  while  we  will  decide  whether  we  should 
grant  you  new  contributions  or  discharge  you  of  all 
obligations  previously  sanctioned." 

INI.  de  Lomenie  continues. *  This  arrangement  of 
fered  advantages  to  Beaumarchais,  for,  in  addition  to 
the  first  basis  of  two  millions,  it  was  necessary  to  at 
tract  commercial  capital  and  risk  this  in  a  doubtful 
affair  which  might  engulf  the  whole  of  it,  as  well  as 
swallow  up  the  private  fortune  of  the  ministerial 
agent.  Beaumarchais,  indeed,  once  committed  to  so 
vast  an  enterprise  (his  first  despatch  to  America 
amounting  to  more  than  three  millions  of  his  own 
funds),  had  to  propound  to  himself  the  following 
questions  :  "  What  will  happen  if  English  cruisers 
take  my  vessels?  What  will  happen,  should  the  gov 
ernment,  frightened  by  the  threats  of  English  diplo 
macy,  not  only  abandon  me  but  sacrifice  me  ?  What, 
finally,  will  happen  if  the  Americans  are  conquered, 

*  What  follows  is  scarcely  more  than  a  translation  of  De 
Lomenie's  narrative,  which  I  adopt,  as  I  have  largely  verified  it. 


THE    SERVICES   OF  BE  A  U  MARCH  A  IS.  89 

or    if,  after  receiving  my  cargoes,  they   do  not  con 
sider  themselves  obliged  to  make  returns  ?  " 

These  perspectives  might  have  caused  another  man 
to  hesitate,  but,  as  it  is  well  known  that  the  author  of 
the  "  Barber  of  Seville  "  did  not  fear  difficulties,  he 
threw  himself  into  this  one  with  his  accustomed  in 
trepidity.  On  the  roth  of  June,  1776,  one  month  be 
fore  the  United  States  had  published  its  Declaration 
of  Independence,  he  commenced  proceedings  by  sign 
ing  that  famous  receipt  which,  kept  secret  under  the 
monarchy,  and  given  up  to  the  United  States  in  1794 
under  the  republic,  occasioned  a  trial  of  fifty  years, 
and  to  which  we  shall  return  : 

"  Received  from  M.  Duvergier,  in  conformity 
with  the  orders  of  M.  de  Vergennes,  dated  the 
5th  instant,  which  I  have  handed  to  him  the  sum 
of  one  million,  of  which  I  am  to  render  an  ac 
count  to  the  said  Sieur  Comte  de  Vergennes. 

"  CAROX  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS. 
11  Good  for  a  million  of  livres  tournois. 
"  PARIS,  June  10,  1776." 

Two  months  after  this,  the  Spanish  court  likewise 
decided  to  contribute  another  million  to  the  operation 
conducted  by  Beaumarchais.  But,  to  guarantee  the 
secrecy  of  this  agreement,  the  Spanish  million,  before 
reaching  the  hands  of  the  author  of  the  "  Barber  of 
Seville,"  made  a  small  circuit  ;  the  Spanish  ambas- 


9^  THE   SERVICES   OF  BEAUMARCHA1S. 

sador  paid  the  money  into  the  French  public  treasury, 
took  a  receipt  from  its  cashier,  handed  this  to  M.  de 
Vergennes,  which  the  latter  gave  to  Beaumarchais  in 
exchange  for  the  following  receipt,  copied  textually 
from  the  original  in  the  archives  of  the  Ministry  of 
Foreign  Affairs  : 

"  Received  from  His  Excellency  M.  le  Comte 
de  Vergennes  the  receipt  for  one  million  of  livres 
tournois,  given  by  M.  Duvergier  to  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  with  which  receipt  I  am  to  receive 
from  the  said  royal  treasurer  the  sum  of  one 
million  tournois,  the  use  of  which  I  am  to  ac 
count  for  to  his  said  Excellency,  M.  le  Comte  dc 
Vergennes. 

"  CARGN  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

''VERSAILLES,  August  II,  1776." 

Thus  supplied  with  funds  by  the  French  govern 
ment,  solely  for  its  own  purposes,  Beaumarchais  was 
accountable  to  it  only  for  their  expenditure.  In  this 
transaction  the  responsibility  of  the  United  States  was 
not  considered  by  either  party.  The  advances  of  the 
French  government  were  simply  a  guarantee  to  Beau 
marchais  against  loss. 

Beaumarchais  now  established  his  famous  house  of 
Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.,  witb  the  knowledge  and 
approbation  of  Vergennes,  who,  in  the  name  of  the 


THE    SERVICES  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.          91 

government,  secretly  favored  its  operations.  He 
rented  an  immense  building,  filled  it  with  clerks,  and 
displayed  the  name  of  his  pseudo  firm.  France  and 
England  were  still  at  peace,  and  on  no  account  would 
it  answer  to  let  Lord  Stormont,  then  English  ambas 
sador  at  Paris,  and  extremely  vigilant,  know  of  the 
government  sanction  of  this  scheme,  nor  at  the  same 
time  would  it  answer  to  let  the  American  agents  know 
of  it,  although  for  their  benefit,  for  a  disclosure  of  it 
to  them  would  make  them  co-directors  in  its  man 
agement. 

The  motive  of  the  French  government  in  helping 
the  Americans  obtain  their  independence  is  clear, 
namely,  the  humiliation  of  England  ;  it  must  be  added 
that  the  Americans  who  asked  French  aid  were  fully 
aware  of  this.  The  foundation  for  joint  operations 
with  the  colonists  is  now  laid.  Count  de  Vergennes, 
Louis  XVI.  and  Beaumarchais  may  be  regarded  as 
the  French  pioneers  of  the  undertaking.  American 
diplomats  now  come  on  the  stage,  and  the  political 
situation  becomes  more  complicated. 

Beaumarchais,  it  must  be  remembered,  in  striving 
so  hard  to  bring  Louis  XVI.  to  a  decision,  had  at  first 
no  idea  of  taking  the  responsibility  of  the  plan  he 
suggested,  at  his  own  risk  and  peril,  with  only  a  min 
isterial  appropriation  to  help  him  along.  He  merely 
offered  to  transmit  to  the  American  insurgents, 
through  their  agents,  such  supplies  as  his  government 
might  provide.  This  was  the  idea  he  communicated 
to  Arthur  Lee,  whom  he  had  met  at  the  house  of  John 


92  THE    SERVICES   OF  BEA  UM ARCH  A  IS. 

Wilkes  in  London,  in  1775,  to  which,  it  seems,  polit 
ical  malcontents  of  every  kind  resorted.  Indeed, 
Beaumarchais  could  promise  no  more,  because,  at 
that  time,  the  King's  sanction  to  the  policy  of  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  had  not  been  obtained.  Arthur 
Lee  was  the  agent  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  and 
the  representative  of  the  American  colonies  after 
Franklin  left  England.  Some  time  after  this  he  be 
came  one  of  the  American  commissioners  along  with 
Franklin  and  Silas  Deane  at  Paris,  and  subsequently 
a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress.  This  man's 
character  is  now  well  understood.  Further  revela 
tions  of  it,  however,  are  indispensable,  as  he  was  the 
principal  author  of  the  calumnies  against  Beaumar 
chais  which  prevented  the  proper  adjustment  of  his 
accounts  with  the  United  States  when  the  war  was 
over,  and  he  was  also  the  calumniator  of  Silas  Deane, 
whom  he  completely  ruined.  Sparks  says  of  Arthur 
Lee  that  he  obtained  consideration  on  account  of  his 
talents  and  acquirements.  He  wrote  well,  and  ably 
defended  the  cause  of  his  country,  but  he  was  of  a 
restless  and  violent  character.  Jealous,  distrustful, 
ambitious  and  unscrupulous,  he  got  into  disputes  and 
difficulties  with  everybody  with  whom  he  had  rela 
tions.  His  correspondence  with  the  Committee  of 
Congress  on  Foreign  Affairs,  at  the  time  he  formed 
one  of  the  American  commissioners  in  France  along 
with  Deane  and  Franklin,  is  a  series  of  injurious  in 
sinuations  against  his  two  colleagues.  Franklin  was 
little  better  than  a  robber,  whilst  the  alliance  between 


THE    SERVICES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.  93 

France  and  the  United  States  is  due  to  him  alone. 
Since  De  Lomenie  examined  the  documents  which 
prove  all  this,  others  have  been  unearthed  which  go 
to  show  that  Lee  was  substantially  a  traitor.  The 
moment  he  was  told  that  Louis  XVI.  had  accepted 
the  treaty  of  commerce  and  friendship  with  the 
United  States,  and  when  he,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  was  about  to  sign  it  along  with  Franklin  and 
Deane,  he  wrote  to  Lord  Shelburne  and  advised  him 
that  "  if  England  wanted  to  prevent  closer  ties 
between  France  and  the  United  States  she  must  not 
delay."  * 

Such  was  the  man  to  whom  Beaumarchais,  in  Lon 
don  in  1775,  stated  the  efforts  he  was  making  to  in 
fluence  Louis  XVI.,  and  what  plans  he  proposed 
with  a  view  to  help  the  insurgent  colonies.  Arthur 
Lee  availed  himself  of  this  information,  and  wrote  to 
the  Secret  Committee  of  Congress  that,  in  conse 
quence  of  /n's  active  proceedings  with  the  French  Am 
bassador  at  London,  "  the  Count  de  Vergennes  had 
sent  him  a  secret  agent  to  inform  him  that  France 
could  not  think  of  going  to  war  with  England,  but 
that  she  was  ready  to  send  five  millions  in  arms  and 
munitions  of  war  by  way  of  St.  Domingo  to  the 

*  See  "  Histoire  de  la  participation  de  la  France  a  1'etablisse- 
ment  des  Etats-Unis  d'Amerique,"  vol.  iii.  M.  Doniol  states  in 
a  foot-note  that  Lee  was  in  the  pay  of  the  party  opposed  to  Lord 
North  in  England,  the  same  as  Dr.  Bancroft  was  in  the  pay  of 
that  party  as  a  spy  in  France.  There  is  still  some  doubt,  how 
ever,  about  the  truth  of  these  charges,  especially  in  relation  to  Dr. 
Bancroft. 


94  THE   SERVICES   OF   BEAUMARCHAIS. 

United  States."  Not  one  word  of  this  was  true. 
Vergennes  had  not  only  not  sent  an  agent  to  Arthur 
Lee,  but  Beaumarchais' s  frequent  applications  to  the 
minister  for  secret  aid  in  the  shape  of  money  and 
arms  had  been,  and  were  still,  steadily  refused.  It 
was  not  until  months  afterward  (in  1776),  that  Ver 
gennes,  ready  to  commence  operations  secretly,  ad 
vanced  the  money  for  which  Beaumarchais  gave  the 
receipts  already  printed  on  pages  89,  QO. 

Beaumarchais,  on  his  return  to  Paris,  had  kept  up 
correspondence  in  cipher  with  Arthur  Lee.  As  soon 
as  it  was  understood  between  Vergennes  and  Beau 
marchais  that  operations  should  be  conducted  under  a 
commercial  and  personal  flag,  and  that  the  part  played 
by  the  French  government  should  be  carefully  con 
cealed  from  everybody,  even  from  the  Americans 
themselves,  Beaumarchais,  instructed  by  the  minister, 
addressed  the  following  cautiously  worded  note  to 
Lee  in  London,  under  date  of  June  12,  1776  : 

"  The  difficulties  I  have  found  in  my  negotia 
tions  with  the  Minister  have  determined  me  to  form 
a  company  which  will  enable  the  munitions  and 
powder  to  be  transmitted  sooner  to  your  friend 
on  condition  of  his  returning  tobacco  to  Cape 
Francis." 

Of  course,  fat  friend  meant  Congress.  Just  at  this 
moment  Silas  Deane,  empowered  by  Congress  to 
treat  with  the  French  government  and  other  friends 


THE   SERVICES   OF  BE  A  UMARCHAIS.  95 

of  the  cause  in  France,  arrives.  Beaumarchais,  on 
ascertaining  this,  no  longer  communicates  with  Arthur 
Lee.  The  latter,  says  Sparks,  was  disappointed  and 
enraged  against  Deane.  But  he  was  no  less  enraged 
against  Beaumarchais.  To  avenge  himself  on  both, 
Lee  wrote  to  the  Committee  of  Congress  that  they  had 
agreed  to  deceive  at  once  the  French  and  American 
governments  by  changing  what  the  French  minister 
meant  to  be  a  gratuitous  present  into  a  commercial 
operation. 

Meanwhile  an  interview  takes  place  between  Silas 
Deane  and  Beaumarchais,  and  the  next  morning,  July 
20,  1776,  Silas  Deane  writes  down  the  substance  of 
their  conversation  and  sends  it  to  Beaumarchais  for 
his  approval. 


'TARTS,  Hotel  Grand  Villars,  July  20,  177 
"  SIR,  —  Agreeably  to  the  request  you  made  in 
our  interview  of  yesterday,  I  send  you  enclosed  a 
copy  of  my  commission  and  an  extract  from  my 
instructions,  which  will  satisfy  you  that  I  am  au 
thorized  to  apply  to  you  for  certain  acquisitions. 
In  order  to  understand  this  extract  I  must  inform 
you  that  my  orders  are  to  apply  to  the  ministers 
first,  to  obtain  from  them  by  purchase  or  loan 
such  supplies  as  we  need,  and,  in  case  the 
credit  or  influence  of  Congress  in  the  present  cir 
cumstances  is  not  sufficient  for  obtaining  them  in 


9  6  THE    VERTICES   OF  BE  A  VM  ARCH  A  IS. 

this  way,  I  am  to  try  to  procure  them  elsewhere., 
I  have  already  informed  you  of  my  request  to  the 
minister  and  his  reply. 

"  With  respect  to  the  credit  we  ask  for  the  sup 
plies  and  munitions  which  I  rely  on  obtaining  from 
you  I  trust  that  a  long  credit  will  not  be  neces 
sary.  One  year's  credit  is  the  longest  my  country 
men  are  in  the  habit  of  taking,  and  as  Congress 
has  secured  large  quantities  of  tobacco  in  Virginia 
and  Maryland,  as  well  as  other  articles  which  will 
be  shipped  as  soon  as  vessels  can  be  had,  I  have- 
no  doubt  that  ample  returns  in  producewill  reach 
you  here  in  six  months,  and  that  the  whole  will  be 
paid  for  within  a  yea?'.  I  shall  urge  this  on 
Congress  in  my  letters.  The  risks  of  war  are  un 
certain  and  our  commerce  may  suffer  ;  I  hope, 
however,  that, whatever  happens,  you  will  soon 
have  large  enough  returns  to  enable  you  to  wait. 
Should  there  be  a  balance  in  your  favor  after  the 
expiration  of  the  credit  agreed  upon,  the  usual 
rate  of  interest  will  be  allowed  you.  As  soon  as 
you  have  translated  this  letter  and  its  enclosure, 
I  shall  have  the  honor  of  calling  on  you. 
"  I  am,  etc., 

"  SILAS  DEAXE.  ' 


THE    SERVICES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.  97 

Beaumarchais  replies,  July  22,  as  follows,  agreeing 
to  the  mode  of  payment  by  returns  in  produce,  to 
the  credits  demanded,  and  in  relation  to  prices  : 

"  As  I  believe  that  I  am  dealing  with  a  people 
of  integrity,  it  will  be  sufficient  with  me  to  keep 
an  exact  account  of  my  entire  outlay.  Congress 
will  be  free  to  pay  for  the  merchandise  at  cur 
rent  rates  on  reaching  the  continent,  or  to  take 
it  at  cost  price,  with  payment  for  delays  and  in 
surances,  and  a  commission  added,  proportionate 
to  the  care  and  trouble,  which  can  not  be  deter 
mined  at  present.  I  propose  to  serve  your  coun 
try  as  if  it  were  my  own,  relying1  on  obtaining 
true  compensation  for  my  services  in  the  friend 
ship  of  a  generous  people." 

Silas  Deane,  in  the  name  of  Congress,  gratefully 
accepts  the  conditions,  and  so  informs  Beaumarchais 
July  24,  1776.  All  he  is  concerned  about  is  the  qual 
ity  of  the  munitions  sent  and  their  immediate  de 
spatch,  for  which  he  relies  on  Beaumarchais.* 

*  De  Lomenie  says  in  a  footnote  :  "It  has  been  often  stated 
that  the  munitions  furnished  by  Beaumarchais  were  of  inferior 
quality.  This  may  be  true,  in  a  measure,  owing  to  the  nature  of 
the  transaction.  But,  in  general,  it  is  not  true,  as  I  have  found 
among  Beaumarchais's  papers  proof  that  the  shipments  were  care 
fully  inspected  by  American  agents." 


98  THE    SERVICES   Ol<    BEAUMARCHAlS. 

In  a  few  weeks  after  completing  this  arrangement, 
Beaumarchais  thus  writes  directly  to  the  Committee 
of  Congress  :* 

"  PARIS,  August  18,  1776. 
"  GENTLEMEN  : 

"  The  respectful  esteem  that  I  bear  toward 
that  brave  people  who  so  well  defend  their  lib 
erty  under  your  conduct,  has  induced  me  to  form 
a  plan  concurring  in  this  great  work,  by  estab 
lishing  an  extensive  commercial  house  solely  for 
the  purpose  of  serving  you  in  Europe,  there  to 
supply  you  with  necessaries  of  every  sort,  to  fur 
nish  you  expeditiously  and  certainly  with  all  ar 
ticles,  clothes,  linens,  powder,  ammunition,  mus 
kets,  cannon,  or  even  gold  for  the  payment  of 
your  troops,  and  in  general  everything  that  can 
be  useful  for  the  honorable  war  in  which  you  are 
engaged.  Your  deputies,  gentlemen,  will  find  in 
me  a  sure  friend,  an  asylum  in  my  house,  money 
in  my  coffers,  and  every  means  of  facilitating 
their  operations,  whether  of  a  public  or  secret 
nature.  .  .  . 

"  At  this  very  time,   and   without  waiting  for 

*  Copied  from  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Sparks's  transla 
tion. 


THE    SERVICES   OF  BEA  UMARCHA Is.  99 

any  answer  from  you,  I  have  procured  for  you 
about  two  hundred  pieces  of  brass  cannon,  four 
pounders;  200,000  Ibs.  of  gunpowder;  2O,OOO 
excellent  guns,  some  brass  mortars,  bombs,  can 
non-balls,  bayonets,  clothes,  linens,  etc.,  for  cloth 
ing  your  troops,  and  lead  for  bullets.  .  .  . 

"  The  secrecy  necessary  in  some  part  of  the 
operation,  which  I  have  undertaken  for  your  ser 
vice,  requires  also,  on  your  part,  a  formal  resolu 
tion,  that  all  the  vessels  and  their  demands 
should  be  constantly  directed  to  our  house  alone, 
in  order  that  there  may  be  no  idle  chattering  or 
time  lost — -two  things  that  are  the  ruin  of  affairs. 
....  Five  American  vessels  have  just  arrived 
in  the  port  of  Bordeaux,  laden  with  salt  fish  ; 
though  this  merchandise  coming  from  strangers 
is  prohibited  in  our  ports,  yet  as  soon  as  your 
deputy  had  told  me  that  vessels  were  sent  to 
him  by  you,  to  raise  money  from  its  sale  for 
aiding  him  in  his  purchases  in  Europe,  I  took 
special  care  to  have  an  order  obtained  from  the 
Farmers-general  for  landing  it  without  any 
notice  being  taken  of  it.  I  could  even,  if  the 
case  had  so  happened,  have  taken  these  cargoes 
of  salted  fish  on  my  own  account,  though  it  is  no 


TOO         THE   SERVICES   OF  BEAUMARCIIAIS. 

way  useful  to  me,  and  charged  myself  with  its 
sale  and  disposal,  to  simplify  the  operation  and 
lessen  the  embarrassments  of  the  merchants  and 
of  your  deputy.  .  .  . 

"  Notwithstanding  the  open  opposition  which 
the  King  of  France,  his  ministers,  and  the  agent 
of  the  administration  show,  and  must  show  to 
everything  that  carries  the  least  appearance  of 
violating  treaties  with  foreign  powers  and  the  in 
ternal  ordinances  of  the  kingdom,  I  dare  prom 
ise  you,  gentlemen,  that  my  indefatigable  zeal 
shall  never  be  wanting  to  clear  up  difficulties, 
soften  prohibitions,  and,  in  short,  facilitate  the 
operations  of  a  commerce  which  my  advantage, 
much  less  than  yours,  has  made  me  undertake 
with  you.  What  I  have  just  informed  you  of  is 
only  a  general  sketch,  subject  to  all  the  reasons 
and  restrictions  which  events  may  point  out 
to  us. 

"  One  thing  can  never  vary  or  diminish,  and 
that  is  the  avowed  and  ardent  desire  I  have  of 
serving  you  to  the  utmost  of  my  power." 


These  letters  define  accurately  the  nature  and  scope 
of  Beaumarchais's  transactions  with  Silas  Deane,  the 


THE    SERVICES  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.         101 

authorized  agent  of  the  American  Congress.  What 
ever  was  done  by  either  was  known  to  Vergennes,  as 
is  apparent  in  the  following  note  sent  by  Deane  to 
this  minister  November  18,  1776  : 

"  I  have  to  desire  a  few  minutes'  audience  of 
Your  Excellency,  merely  as  a  private  person,  that 
I  may  have  your  general  direction  or  advice  at 
this  delicate,  critical  and  important  crisis  previous 
to  any  application  in  a  more  public  manner.  I 
write  this  in  consequence  of  Monsieur  Beau- 
marchais's  interview  with  Your  Excellency  this 
morning. 

11  S.  DEANE." 

It  was  indeed  a  critical  time.  Dealings  for  the 
immediate  advantage  of  the  colonies  under  pressing 
need  of  supplies,  closely  watched  by  the  English 
ambassador,  and  which  in  case  of  detection  were  to 
be  formally  discountenanced  by  the  French  govern 
ment,  required  the  best  of  management.  The  least 
indiscretion,  the  slightest  diplomatic  embarrassment 
would  at  once  transform  ministerial  support  into  a 
declared  condemnation  of  them.  And  this  really 
came  to  pass.  To  what  extent  Beaumarchais  is  made 
the  scapegoat  to  this  diplomatic  necessity  will  soon 
be  seen.  Meanwhile  he  goes  ahead.  Noiselessly 
and  in  small  lots,  he  withdraws  from  the  state  arse 
nals  the  ammunition  and  equipments  mentioned  in 


102         THE    SERVICES   OF  BE  A  UMARCHAIS. 

his  letter,  for  25,000  men,  and,  in  a  few  months,  in 
spite  of  countless  obstacles,  collects  them  together 
for  shipment  in  the  ports  of  Havre  and  Nantes. 
Silas  Deane  had  promised  American  vessels  to  trans 
port  these  supplies,  but  they  do  not  arrive,  and,  as  it 
is  important  that  this  material  should  reach  the  Col 
onies  for  the  campaign  of  1777,  Beaumarchais  pro 
vides  the  vessels  himself.  Silas  Deane  asks  the 
privilege  of  enlisting  artillery  officers  and  engineers. 
Beaumarchais  gets  the  ministry  to  wink  at  this  opera 
tion,  and  he  enrolls  on  his  own  account  from  forty  to 
fifty  officers,  who  are  to  embark  at  Havre  under  the 
command  of  an  officer  of  engineers  named  Ducoudray. 
These  officers  preceded  Lafayette,  but.  says  De 
Lomenie,  they  did  not  all  succeed  alike.  On  the 
contrary,  many  of  them  gave  trouble  about  their 
rank,  as  we  see  in  the  correspondence  of  Gerard  de 
Rayneval,  the  first  French  minister  to  the  United 
States,  who  followed  them  a  year  or  more  afterward. 
Nevertheless,  Beaumarchais  sends  the  leading  French 
and  foreign  officers  to  the  United  States  who  most 
distinguished  themselves  after  Lafayette,  for  instance 
the  Marquis  de  la  Rouerie,  the  Irishman  Con  way, 
Pulaski  the  Pole,  and  especially  the  German  Steuben. 
The  author  of  the  "  Barber  of  Seville  "  recommends 
the  latter,  an  old  brother  in  .arms  of  Frederic  the 
Great,  to  the  Continental  Congress  in  this  wise  : 

"The  art  of  making  war  successfully  being  the 
fruit  of  courage  combined  with  prudence,  knowl- 


THE    SERVICES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.         103 

edge,  and  experience,  a  companion  in  arms  of 
the  great  Frederic,  who  stood  by  his  side  for 
twenty-two  years,  strikes  us  as  one  of  the  men 
best  fitted  to  second  M.  Washington." 

Such  were  Beaumarchais's  efforts  in  behalf  of  the 
Americans  at  a  critical  period.  Let  us  follow  the  mis 
haps  and  mischances  which  befell  the  expedition  he 
fitted  out,  but  which  proved  successful  at  last,  as 
well  as  the  misfortunes  of  its  energetic  author,  who 
did  not  come  off  so  well. 


VII. 

THE  TRIALS  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

THIS  expedition  made  a  noise.  It  was  on  too  large 
a  scale  to  be  conducted  with  absolute  secrecy, 
and  besides  this  too  many  people  were  connected  with 
it  in  various  capacities.  Beaumarchais  left  Paris  in 
cognito  to  supervise  arrangements  for  its  departure  at 
Havre.  The  lieutenant  of  police  at.  Paris,  who  re 
ported  to  the  government  whatever  transpired,  wrote 
as  follows  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  December  12, 
1776  :  "  Dr.  Franklin's  arrival  at  Nantes  has  created 
a  good  deal  of  excitement,  while  M.  de  Beaumarchais's 
departure,  everywhere  stated  to  be  for  Havre,  has  made 
no  less  sensation."  The  author  of  Figaro  himself 
committed  a  great  imprudence.  On  reaching  Havre 
he  turned  aside  to  superintend  the  rehearsals  of  the 
"  Barber  of  Seville,"  soon  to  be  performed  in  that 
town,  and  thus  betrayed  his  incognito.  English  spies 
were  on  the  watch.  The  ministry,  to  avoid  a  con 
flict  with  Lord  Stormont,  had  arranged  that  the  de 
spatch  of  officers  and  munitions  of  war  to  the  United 
States  should  be  considered  as  an  envoi 'to  the  French 
colonies  in  the  West  Indies  ;  but  as  the  expedition  was 
on  so  large  a  scale,  and  merchant-vessels  were  em 
ployed  as  transports,  instead  of  war-vessels,  and  the 
105 


106  THE    TRIALS   OF  BE'AUMARCHAIS. 

officers  enrolled  were  indiscreet,  the  appearance  of 
Beaumarchais  at  Havre  brought  this  to  a  climax. 
Lord  Stormont  made  vehement  protests  to  the  govern 
ment.  About  this  time  news  came  of  the  battle  of 
Long  Island,  in  which  Washington  was  defeated,  and 
the  effect  of  this  was  to  dampen  everybody's  ardor  in 
favor  of  the  insurgents  and  arrest  proceedings.  Or 
ders  were  suddenly  sent  by  the  ministry  to  Havre  and 
Nantes  for  the  officers  not  to  embark,  and  for  the 
vessels  not  to  leave  port.  One  vessel,  the  "  Amphi- 
trite,"  equipped  by  Beaumarchais,  with  Ducoudray  on 
board,  had  set  sail  already,  but  two  others  were  de 
tained.  Beaumarchais  hastened  back  to  Paris  to  get 
the  orders  countermanded.  Vergennes,  in  a  note  to  his 
secretary  Gerard  de  Rayneval,  hands  this  application 
over  to  the  Minister  of  War  and  requests  Gerard  to 
explain  the  affair  to  the  American  commissioners,  but 
not  to  let  them  "see  behind  the  masks."  Finally,  the 
two  vessels  are  released.  Just  as  they  are  leaving 
port,  however,  the  news  comes  that  the  "  Amphitrite  " 
had  returned  to  Nantes  because  Ducoudray  found 
himself  uncomfortably  installed  on  the  ship.  Ducou 
dray  writes  a  letter  to  Beaumarchais  full  of  crooked 
explanations  and  excuses.  Beaumarchais,  enraged, 
replies  as  follows  : 

"  PARIS,  January  22,  1777. 

"As  your  conduct,  sir,  in  this  affair  is  inexplica 
ble,  I  will  not  waste  time  in  trying  to  compre 
hend  it.  All  that  concerns  me  is  to  guarantee 


THE    TRIALS  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.  107 

myself  and  my  friends  against  occurrences  of  the 
same  kind  in  future.  As  the  veritable  owner, 
therefore,  of  the  '  Amphitrite,'  I  send  herewith 
an  order  to  Captain  Fautrelle  to  take  absolute 
command.  You  are  sagacious  enough  to  see  that 
I  have  not  taken  so  decisive  a  step  without  pre 
viously  consulting  powerful  and  judicious  friends. 
Have  the  kindness,  sir,  to  conform  to  it,  or  find 
another  vessel  to  take  you  wherever  you  please, 
with  no  pretension  on  my  part  to  hinder  you  in 
any  respect,  except  in  matters  which  relate  to  my 
self  and  which  tend  to  injure  me." 

Beaumarchais  at  the  same  time  writes  to  his  con 
fidential  agent  De  Francy  (then  at  L'Orient,  but  whom 
he  afterwards  sends  to  America  to  look  out  for  his 
interests  there),  to  see  that  his  instructions  with  regard 
to  Ducoudray  and  his  vessel  are  carried  out. 

At  last,  all  obstacles  being  removed,  Beaumarchais's 
vessels  depart  on  their  important  errand.  They  escape 
English  cruisers  and  reach  Portsmouth  (N.  H.),  at 
the  opening  of  the  campaign  of  1777.  On  receiving 
for  the  first  time  so  many  cargoes  of  cannon,  powder, 
guns,  clothing  and  shoes,  an  equipment  sufficient  for 
25,000  men,  the  people,  assembled  on  the  shore, 
shouted  and  cheered  vociferously.  Silas  Deane 
wrote  from  Paris  to  the  Secret  Committee  of  Con 
gress  ; 


io8  THE    TRIALS   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

"  PARIS,  November  29,  1776. 
"  I  should  never  have  completed  what  I  have 
but  for  the  generous,  the  indefatigable  and  spir 
ited  exertions  of  Monsieur  Beaumarchais,  to 
whom  the  United  States  are  on  every  account 
greatly  indebted,  more  so  than  to  any  other  per 
son  on  this  side  of  the  water;  he  is  greatly  in 
advance  for  stores,  clothing  and  the  like,  and 
therefore  I  am  confident  you  will  make  him  the 
earliest  and  most  ample  remittances.  ...  I 
can  not  in  a  letter  do  full  justice  to  Monsieur 
Beaumarchais  for  his  great  address  and  assiduity 
in  our  cause  ;  I  can  only  say  he  appears  to  have 
undertaken  it  on  great  and  liberal  principles,  and 
has  in  the  pursuit  made  it  his  own.  His  interest 
and  influence,  which  are  great,  have  been  exerted 
to  the  utmost  in  the  cause  of  the  United  States, 
and  I  hope  the  consequences  will  equal  his 

wishes. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  SILAS  DEANE." 

In  a  previous  letter,  August  15,  Silas  Deane  reports 
of  Beaumarchais  : 

"  Everything  he    says,   writes,  or    does    is   in 
reality  the  action  of  the  ministry,  for  that  a  man 


THE    TRIALS   OF  BRAUMARCI1AIS.  109 

a  few  months  since  should  confine  himself  from 
his  creditors  and  now  on  this  occasion  be  able  to 
advance  half  a  million  is  so  extraordinary  that  it 
ceases  to  be  a  mystery." 

Beaumarchais  naturally  expected  that  Congress 
would  not  delay  in  sending  many  thanks  and  a  good 
deal  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  tobacco.  But  nothing 
came,  not  even  an  answer  to  his  letters.  The  returns 
which,  according  to  Silas  Deane's  positive  assurances, 
should  have  arrived  in  six  months,  did  not  arrive  at 
all.  Silas  Deane,  much  embarrassed,  could  not 
account  for  this.  Neither  Deane  nor  Beaumarchais 
had  taken  Arthur  Lee  into  account.  Lee  and  Frank 
lin  had  just  been  made  American  Commissioners  in 
Paris  along  with  Silas  Deane.  Franklin  arrived  in 
December,  1776  ;  Arthur  Lee  came  from  London  at 
the  end  of  the  same  month.  Soon  after  entering  on 
his  duties  he  writes  on  his  own  responsibility  to  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  in  Congress  that  the 
policy  of  the  French  Court  is  in  a  kind  of  "  trembling 
hesitation,"  owing  to 

"  the  promises  made  to  me  by  the  French 
agent  in  London,  which  I  stated  to  you  by  Mr. 
Story  and  others,  not  having  been  entirely  ful 
filled.  The  changing  of  the  mode  of  conveying 
what  they  promised  was  settled  with  Mr.  Deane, 


1 10  THE    TRIALS  OF  BEAUMAltCHAlS. 

whom  Monsieur  Hortalez  or  Beaumarchais  found 
here  upon  his  return  from  London."  * 

Again,  in  another  confidential  letter,  Lee  says  : 

11  The  minister  has  repeatedly  assured  us,  and 
that  in  the  most  explicit  terms,  that  no  return 
was  expected  for  these  subsidies." 

Again,  under  date  of  February  25,  1778  : 

"The  ministry,  as  you  will  see  by  our  joint 
letter,  have  often  given  us  to  understand  that  we 
are  not  to  pay  for  them,  yet  still  M.  de  Beau 
marchais,  with  the  perseverance  of  such  advent 
urers,  persists  in  his  demand.  He  alleges  some 
promise  or  agreement  made  with  Mr.  Dcane.  I 
should  suppose  Mr.  Deane  would  have  apprised 
you  of  it  if  any  such  exists.  But  certainly  Doc 
tor  Franklin  and  myself  are  kept  so  much  in  the 
dark  about  the  existence  of  such  agreement  as  to 
expose  us  to  much  unnecessary  plague  from  this 
M.  de  Beaumarchais,  who  I  cannot  think  has  any 
right  to  make  the  demand  in  question." 

Sparks  adds  in  a  foot-note  : 

*  Diplomatic  Correspondence. 


THE    TRIALS   OF  BE  A  UM ARCH  A  IS.  in 

"  Mr.  Lee  seemed  to  be  somewhat  less  certain 
afterward,  having  in  the  mean  time  conversed 
repeatedly  with  M.  de  Beaumarchais  on  the  sub 
ject.  Writing  to  Mr.  Pringle,  July  4,  1779,  Lee 
says  :  '  I  absolutely  do  not  know  whether  Beau 
marchais  is  right  or  wrong,  and  while  it  is  doubt 
ful,  one  would  not  impeach  his  character.'  ' 

Lee  wrote  and  despatched  these  letters  without  the 
knowledge  of  his  colleagues  Franklin  and  Deane. 
The  reader,  with  the  foregoing  documents  by  Ver- 
gennes  and  Beaumarchais  in  his  mind,  can  appreciate 
their  verity.  The  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  in 
Congress,  with  such  despatches,  was  naturally  placed 
between  the  horns  of  a  dilemma,  and  probably  awaited 
further  reports.  Franklin  keeps  silent.  At  this  time 
Franklin  and  Deane  act  together  independently  of 
Lee,  because  Vergennes  distrusted  the  latter,  the 
minister  suspecting  Lee  of  transmitting  information 
to  the  English.  It  is  certain  that  his  secretary  did, 
as  Lee  afterward  throws  the  blame  of  the  discovery 
of  this  treachery  on  him,  and  it  is  very  probable  that 
some  of  Lee's  own  letters  were  intercepted.  With 
such  an  evil  genius  to  pervert  the  minds  of  Congress 
men  it  is  not  surprising  that  Beaumarchais  received  no 
returns  for  the  supplies  he  sent  to  the  United  States. 

Another  victim  of  Lee's  mendacity  was  Silas  Deane. 
Their  disputes  and  recriminations  led  to  the  recall  of 
each,  one  after  the  other,  and  to  the  final  ruin  of  the 


H2  THE    TRIALS  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

latter.  Franklin,  in  the  triangular  quarrel  between 
Lee,  Beaumarchais,  and  Deane,  stood  aloof.  In  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Lovell,  one  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  dated  June  i,  1779,  Franklin  says  :  * 

"  I  have  never  meddled  with  the  disputes  be 
tween  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Lee,  but  the  suspicion  of 
having  a  good  will  toward  the  former  has  drawn 
upon  me  a  great  deal  of  ill  will  from  his  antagonist. 
I  had  always  resolved  to  have  no  quarrel,  and  have, 
therefore,  to  make  it  a  constant  rule  to  answer  no 
angry,  affronting,  or  abusive  letters,  of  which  I 
have  received  many  and  long  ones  from  Mr.  Lee 
and  Mr.  Izard,  who,  I  understand  and  see  by  the 
papers,  have  been  writing  liberally,  or  rather 
illiberally,  against  me,  to  prevent,  as  one  of  them 
says  here,  any  impressions  my  writing  against 
them  might  occasion  to  their  prejudice.  But  I 
have  never  before  mentioned  them  in  any  of  my 
letters." 

As  to  Beaumarchais,  Franklin  had  been  prejudiced 
against  him  by  his  friend  Dr.  Dubourg,f  and  he  de- 

*  Diplomatic  Correspondence. 

f  M.  Doniol  says  in  this  connection  :  "  Franklin  had  never  re 
garded  Roderigue  Hortalez  favorably.  Doctor  Dubourg  un 
doubtedly  had  something  to  do  with  this,  but  it  is  equally  true 


THE    TRIALS  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.  113 

clared  to  Deane  that  he  will  have  nothing  to  do  with 
transactions  which  took  place  before  his  arrival.  Add 
to  this,  that  Ducoudray,  on  reaching  the  United 
States,  and  furious  against  Beaumarchais  on  account 
of  the  reprimand  already  cited,  published  a  calumni 
ous  pamphlet  against  him.  The  Committee  of  Con 
gress  is  more  and  more  puzzled.  The  letters  of 
Beaumarchais  himself  do  not  improve  the  situation. 
Their  odd  mixture  of  patriotic  and  commercial  ideas, 
both  equally  honest,  inspire  distrust  in  minds  already 
prejudiced  against  him.  "  Imagine,  "  says  I)e  Lomenie, 
"  the  effect  on  sober  Yankees,  nearly  all  of  whom  had 
taken  part  in  commercial  transactions  before  the  war, 
receiving  cargoes  almost  always  shipped  clandestinely, 
in  the  night,  with  invoices  more  or  less  incorrect,  and 
the  whole  with  no  other  advices  than  the  somewhat 
hasty  missives  over  the  romantic  signature  of  Rod- 
erigue  Hortalez  &  Co.,  in  which  Beaumarchais  min 
gles  together  enthusiastic  protestations,  an  unlimited 
tender  of  services,  political  advice,  and  demands  for 

that  the  Americans  thought  everything  was  too  dear  ;  this  was 
due  to  the  risk  which  their  business  involved,  and  henceforth 
they  were  more  and  more  willing  to  accept  the  idea  that  Beau 
marchais  ought  to  serve  them  for  nothing,  and  thought  themselves 
wronged  by  him  on  being  obliged  to  pay  him  as  an  intermediary. 
The  '  Barber  of  Seville,'  besides,  seeming  in  everybody's  eye  to 
be  making  great  profits,  found  plenty  of  people  interested  in  in 
juring  him.  It  was  important,  too,  for  the  English  to  obstruct 
his  efforts,  and  the  English  embassy  fed  the  flame.  In  any  event 
Franklin,  at  this  time,  openly  contested  the  operations  of  Hortalez 
and  tried  to  have  him  set  aside." 


H4  TY/^i    TRIALS   OF  BRA  VM  ARCH  A  IS. 

tobacco,  indigo  and  codfish."  Some  of  these  letters 
are,  besides,  grandiloquent  and  flippant.*  Shrewd 
Yankees  were  naturally  led  to  think  that  such  a  per 
son,  so  ardent  and  fantastic,  supposing  that  he  really  ex 
isted,  "  was  playing  a  commercial  comedy  understood 
between  him  and  the  French  authorities,  and  that  they 
might  safely  and  conscientiously  avail  themselves  of 
his  supplies,  read  his  amplifications,  and  dispense  with 
sending  him  tobacco." 

Beaumarchais,  nevertheless,  was  in  a  cruel  posi 
tion.  Relying  on  the  fulfillment  of  honorable  en 
gagements  entered  into  by  Silas  Deane.  the  authorized 
agent  of  Congress,  he  had  begun  operations  on  an 
immense  scale.  He  had  loaded  and  chartered  ships, 
drawn  in  merchants  and  nobles  as  capitalists,  and  given 
extensive  orders  for  manufactures.  During  the  year 
1777  he  had  sent  to  Congress  cargoes  to  the  value  of 
five  million  francs  without  having  received  one  word 
in  reply.  Congress  persisted  in  regarding  him  as  a 
fictitious  character.  In  vain  he  wrote  at  the  end  of 
the  year  : 

"  My  money  and  credit  are  gone.  Relying  too 
greatly  on  returns  so  often  promised,  I  have  ex 
hausted  my  own  funds  and  those  of  my  friends. 
Other  powerful  resources  are  exhausted  which  I 
had  obtained  on  the  express  condition  of  soon 
replacing  what  I  took." 

*  See  "  Les  Franfais  en  Ame'rique,"  by  Thomas  Balch,  p.  72. 


THE    TRIALS   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.  115 

Vergennes  had  to  come  to  the  rescue.  Documents 
on  file  in  the  archives  of  the  French  ministry  of 
foreign  affairs  show  that  during  this  year,  when  Ver 
gennes  was  diplomatically  obliged  to  discountenance 
Beaumarchais's  operations,  he,  at  the  same  time,  ad 
vanced  to  him  over  1,000,000  francs,  which  sum,  added 
to  that  of  the  receipts  before  mentioned,  made  about 
3,000,000  francs  given  him  by  the  government.  And 
yet  his  advances  in  behalf  of  the  Americans  amounted 
to  millions  more. 

Beaumarchais  now  determined  to  ascertain  why 
Congress  did  not  fulfill  the  engagements  Silas  Deane 
had  entered  into  in  its  name.  He  accordingly  de 
spatched  Theveneau  de  Francy,  an  intelligent  young 
man  to  whom  he  was  much  attached,  and  who  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  in  his  employ,  to  the  United  States, 
with  full  powers  and  instructions.  It  must  not  be 
forgotten  that  France  and  England  were  not  yet  at 
open  war  ;  that  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  insurgents 
were  at  a  low  ebb  in  France  on  account  of  their  re 
verses  ;  and  that  Lord  Stormont,  with  his  spies,  was 
extremely  vigilant.  Beaumarchais  writes  : 

"  Although  it  is  now  the  2oth  of  December, 
I//7,  m>r  large  vessel  has  not  yet  sailed.  But  so 
is  it  with  nearly  every  vessel  destined  for  the 
United  States.  The  minister  is  afraid  that  too 
many  sailors  may  be  carried  off  just  at  a  time 
when  most  needed.  The  strictest  orders  have 


uG  THE    TRIALS   OF  BRAUMARCHAlS. 

been  issued  in  almost  every  port,  but  especially  in 
those  where  my  ships  are  fitting  out.  The  size 
and  armament  of  my  ship  have,  it  seems,  made 
Lord  Stormont  bestir  himself,  and  the  ministry 
fears  that  it  may  be  suspected  of  favoring  an 
operation  which  really  is  conducted  without  it 
and  even  in  spite  of  it.  Just  as  it  was  about  to 
sail  my  artillery  was  seized,  and  the  difficulty  in 
finding  more  keeps  me  here.  I  am  contending 
against  obstacles  of  all  kinds,  but  with  all  my 
strength,  and  I  hope  to  overcome  them  with 
patience,  courage,  and  money.  The  enormous 
losses  I  incur  seem  to  affect  nobody.  The  Min 
ister  is  inflexible.  Even  the  American  deputies 
at  Passy  (where  Franklin  lived)  have  the  honor 
of  thwarting  me,  the  best  friend  their  country 
has!  The  '  Amphitrite  '  has  just  landed  a  small 
cargo  of  rice  and  indigo  at  Lorient,  and  they  were 
unjust  enough  to  claim  it,  declaring  that  it  was 
addressed  to  them  and  not  to  me.  They  prob 
ably  took  my  patience  for  weakness  and  my 
generosity  for  imbecility." 

This   cargo,    the   value  of   which   is  only    150,000 
francs,  "  a  mere  drop  in  the  ocean  of  my  debts,"  says 


THE    TRIALS  OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.  n? 

Beaumarchais,  is  given  up  to  him   through  the  influ 
ence  of  Silas  Deane.     He  goes  on  to  say  : 

"  As  to  yourself,  my  dear  friend,  I*  suppose 
that  you  have  arrived,  and  that  the  situation  of 
things  in  America  enables  you  to  come  to  a 
settlement  with  Congress.  .  .  .  Perhaps  I  flatter 
myself,  but  I  rely  on  the  integrity  and  equity  of 
Congress  as  I  do  on  yours  and  my  own.  Its 
deputies  here  are  ill  at  ease,  and  necessity  often 
renders  men  indelicate,  which  is  my  explanation 
of  their  unjust  treatment  of  me.*.  .  .  It  is  unfort 
unate,  my  friend,  for  the  interests  of  this  cause 
in  France  that  they  are  .intrusted  to  several  per 
sons;  one  alone  would  have  succeeded  better; 
as  far  as  I  am  concerned  I  must  do  justice  to  Mr. 
Deane  by  saying  that  he  is  ashamed  and  cha 
grined  by  the  conduct  of  his  colleagues  toward 
me,  which  is  wholly  due  to  Mr.  Lee. 

*  Congress  at  first,  says  De  Lomenie,  did  not  furnish  its 
representatives  in  Paris  with  sufficient  funds.  Silas  Deane  had 
been  obliged  to  borrow  money  of  Beaumarchais  for  his  personal 
use.  Franklin's  expenses,  as  well  as  his  outlays  for  the  colonies, 
were  provided  for  by  a  cargo  of  indigo  he  brought  with  him. 
The  French  government,  about  the  time  of  Franklin's  arrival, 
began  to  supply  money  to  the  Commissioners,  and  there  was  no 
further  difficulty  in  this  respect. 


II  &  THE    TRIALS   OF  BEA  UM ARC II A  IS. 

"  Disagreeable  as  all  these  things  are,  the  news 
from  America  delights  me  beyond  measure. 
Brave,  brave  people !  Their  military  conduct 
justifies  my  esteem  and  the  enthusiasm  mani 
fested  for  them  in  France  !  Indeed,  I  ask  returns, 
my  friend,  only  to  enable  me  to  serve  them  anew, 
and  to  keep  my  engagements  in  such  a  way  that 
I  can  make  fresh  ones  in  their  favor.  .  .  .  Do  as 
I  do — despise  petty  considerations,  petty  maneu 
vers  and  petty  resentments  !  I  have  associated 
you  with  a  magnificent  cause.  You  are  the  agent 
of  a  just  and  generous  man.  Remember  that 
success  is  a  risk,  that  the  money  clue  me  depends 
on  the  chances  of  events,  but  that  my  reputation 
depends  on  myself,  as  yours  to-day  depends  on 
your  own  efforts.  May  it  prove  a  good  one,  my 
friend,  and  all  will  not  be  lost  even  if  the  rest 
should." 

De  Francy  performed  his  duties  ably.  The  sur 
render  of  Burgoyne  took  place  near  the  end  of  the 
year  1777,  which  greatly  stimulated  efforts  in  behalf 
of  the  Americans  in  France.  De  Francy,  in  April, 
1778,  had  the  following  contract  executed,  showing 
clearly  how  Congress  regarded  its  obligations  to 
Beaumaichais  past  and  to  come. 


VIII. 

BEAUMARCHAIS'S  CONTRACT  WITH 
THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  ITS 
FATE. 

TO  ALL  WHOM  IT  MAY  CONCERN  : 

Whereas  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Company  of 
Paris  have  shipped,  or  caused  to  be  shipped,  on 
board  sundry  ships  or  vessels  considerable  quan 
tities  of  Cannon,  Arms,  Ammunition,  Cloathing, 
and  other  stores,  most  of  which  have  been  safely 
landed  in  America  and  delivered  to  the  agents  of 
the  United  States  for  the  use  and  service  there 
of,  and  whereas  said  Roderigue  Hortalez  & 
Company  are  willing  and  desirous  to  continue 
supplying  those  States  with  Cannon,  Mortars, 
Bombs,  Arms,  Ammunition,  Cloathing  and  every 
sort  of  Stores  that  may  be  wanted  or  required  ; 
and  also  with  Specie  provided  satisfactory  as 
sumption  be  made  and  assurance  given  for  the 
payment  in  France  of  the  just  Cost,  Charges  and 
Freight  of  the  Cargoes  already  shipped  as  well 
119 


i  20          BE  A  UMARCHAIS  'S  CONTRA  CT  WITH 

as  those  to  be  hereafter  shipped  and  of  specie  to 
be  advanced — 

And  whereas  some  Cargoes  of  American  prod 
uce  have  already  been  shipped  to  the  Address 
of  the  said  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  or  their 
assigns  for  sale  on  account  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  the  net  proceeds  whereof  are  to  be 
applied  in  part  discharge  of  their  claims — 

Now  know  ye  that  John  Baptist  Lazarus 
Theveneau  de  Francy,  agent  of  Peter  Augustin 
Caron  de  Beaumarchais  as  representative  of  the 
house  of  the  said  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.,  by 
him  specially  appointed  and  empowered  to  act 
fully  and  effectually  in  all  things  on  his  Behalf, 
as  appears  by  a  certain  letter  of  Attorney  or  In 
strument  of  writing  bearing  date  the  tenth  day 
of  September  Anno  1777,  copy  of  whereof  is 
hereunto  annexed,  doth  for  and  on  behalf  of  the 
said  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Company  represented 
by  Mr.  Beaumarchais  as  aforesaid  in  virtue  of 
the  powers  in  him  vested,  contract,  agree  and 
engage  to  and  with  the  Hon.  William  Ellery, 
James  Forbes,  William  Henry  Drayton  and  Wil 
liam  Duer,  Esquires,  a  Committee  of  Commerce 
properly  appointed  and  authorized  by  the  Dele- 


THE    UNITED    STATES  AND   ITS  FATE.      121 

gates  of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Con- 

o 

gress  assembled  to  enter  into,  execute,  ratify 
and  confirm  this  contract  for  and  in  Behalf  of  the 
said  United  States  as  follows  ; 

First,  That  the  Cost  and  Charges  of  the  sever 
al  Cargoes  already  shipped  by  the  said  Roderigue 
Hortalez  &  Co.  shall  be  fairly  stated  at  the  cur 
rent  prices  and  usual  mercantile  charges  in 
France  of  the  dates  at  which  they  were  shipped. 

Second,  That  the  freight  of  the  said  Cargoes 
shall  be  charged  agreably  to  the  contract  made 
by  and  between  M.  Beaumarchais,  Mr.  Silas 
Deane  and  Mr.  Montieu. 

Third,  That  all  orders  for  Cannon,  Bombs, 
Mortars,  Arms,  Ammunition,  Cloathing  or  other 
stores  which  may  hereafter  be  transmitted  to 
Mess.  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  or  delivered  10 
their  agent  in  America  by  the  said  Committee  or 
any  other  persons  properly  authorized  by  Con 
gress  to  transmit  or  deliver  such  lists  or  orders 
shall  be  exported  and  shipped  with  all  possible 
despatch. 

Fourth,  That  all  articles  to  be  hereafter 
shipped  for  America  in  virtue  of  this  Contract 
shall  be  provided  as  nearly  to  the  orders  as  pos- 


1 2  2        BE  A  UMARCHAIS  'S  CONTRA  CT  WITH 

sible  and  not  higher  than  the  current  prices  and 
attended  with  the  most  moderate  charges,  not 
higher  than  the  usual  mercantile  charges  of  the 
place  from  whence  they  are  exported. 

Fifth,  That  good  ships  shall  be  chartered  or 
bought  on  the  most  moderate  terms  for  trans 
porting  the  Stores  to  America  and  carrying  back 
such  cargoes  as  the  Committee  shall  chuse  to 
ship  in  them. 

Sixth,  That  agents  appointed  under  the  au 
thority  of  Congress  shall  have  free  liberty  to  in 
spect  the  quality  and  require  the  prices  of  all 
articles  to  be  shipped  for  the  account  of  the 
United  States,  with  power  to  reject  such  as  they 
judge  unfit  for  or  too  high  charged  ;  they  shall 
also  be  party  in  the  charters  and  purchasing  of 
ships  to  be  employed  in  this  service. 

Seventh,  That  Bills  on  the  house  of  Roderigue 
Hortalez  &  Co.  aforesaid  for  twenty-four  mil 
lions  of  livres  Tournois  annually  shall  be  duly 
honored  and  paid,  the  Bills  to  be  drawn  at 
double  usance  and  at  the  following  periods,  viz. 
in  the  months  of  May,  July,  September,  Novem 
ber,  January  and  March  for  Four  millions  each 
two  months. 


THE    UNITED   STATES  AND  ITS  FATE.      123 

In  consideration  whereof  the  said  William 
Ellery,  James  Forbes,  William  Henry  Drayton 
and  William  Duer,  Esquires,  Commercial  Com 
mittee  of  Congress,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and 
authorities  to  them  delegated  by  the  Congress 
do,  for  and  in  behalf  of  the  said  United  States, 
Covenant,  agree  and  engage  with  the  said  Rode- 
rigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  by  their  said  agent  as  fol 
lows  : 

First,  That  remittances  shall  be  made  by  ex 
ports  of  American  produce  and  otherways  to  the 
said  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  or  their  agent  for 
the  express  purpose  of  discharging  the  debt 
already  justly  due  or  thereafter  to  become  justly 
due  in  consequence  of  this  agreement. 

Second,  That  all  cargoes  of  merchandise 
shipped  on  account  of  the  United  States  for 
France  and  appropriated  to  the  discharge  of  the 
said  debt  shall  be  addressed  to  the  house  of 
Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  or  their  assigns  for 
sale,  subject  however  to  the  inspection  and  con 
trol  of  an  agent  appointed  under  the  authority 
of  Congress  who  shall  have  liberty  to  inspect  the 
quality  of  such  merchandise,  assent  to  or  reject 
the  prices  offered,  postpone  the  sales,  and 


I  24         BE  A  UMARCHA  IS  '.V  CONTRACT   WITH 

do  everything  for  the  interest  of  his  constitu 
ents. 

Third,  That  the  customary  interest  of  France 
not  exceeding  six  per  centum  per  annum  shall 
be  allowed  on  the  debt  already  due  or  that 
from  time  to  time  shall  be  due  to  the  said 
Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  in  virtue  of  this 
agreement,  computing  the  interest  in  money 
from  the  time  of  its  being  paid,  and  on  the 
goods  imported  and  exported  by  them  from 
the  usual  periods  of  commercial  credit  on  such 
goods. 

Fourth,  That  any  payments  of  Continental 
currency  in  America  required  by  the  said  Rode 
rigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  or  their  agents  and  agreed 
to  by  Congress  shall  be  computed  at  the  current 
or  equitable  course  of  exchange  at  the  date  of 
the  payment,  and  Interest  be  discounted  on  the 
amount  from  that  date. 

Fifth,  That  remittances  to  be  made  for  the 
purpose  of  extinguishing  the  Debt  now  due,  or  to 
become  due  to  the  said  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co. 
shall  be  made  at  such  times  and  seasons  as  shall 
be  most  safe  and  convenient  for  the  American 
interest,  but  are  to  continue  until  the  entire  debt, 


THE    UNITED   STATES  AND   ITS  FATE.      125 

principal  and  interest  shall  be  fully  and  fairly 
discharged. 

Sixth,  That  a  commission  of  two  and  a  half  per 
centum  shall  be  allowed  to  the  said  Roderigue 
Hortalez  &  Co.  on  the  amount  of  the  Invoices, 
freight  or  other  charges  and  monies  paid  and  dis 
bursed  by  them  for  the  account  of  the  United 
States. 

Seventh,  That  the  customary  commission  in 
France  shall  be  also  allowed  the  said  Roderigue 
Hortalez  &  Co.  on  the  amount  of  all  payments 
mad«e  to  them  on  account  of  the  United  States. 

Provided  always,  that  the  seventh  article  of 
this  agreement  respecting  the  annual  supply  of 
Twenty-four  millions  of  Livres  shall  not  be  con 
sidered  as  absolutely  binding  upon  either  of  the 
parties  to  the  Contract  unless  the  same  shall  be 
ratified  by  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  and  the 
Commissioners  of  the  United  States  at  Paris,  for 
which  purpose  it  is  agreed  to  be  submitted  to 
them,  anything  herein  contained  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  But  it  is  nevertheless  to  be 
understood  that  the  United  States  may  and  shall 
have  liberty  to  draw  in  the  course  of  five  or  six 
months  from  the  date  hereof  upon  the  said  Rode- 


126        BEAUMARCHAIS'S  CONTRACT  WITH 

rigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  for  the  sum  of  One  hundred 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  equal  to  two  millions 
and  three  hundred  thousand  livres  Tournois, 
which  shall  be  duly  paid. 

In  witness  whereof  the  contracting  parties 
have  hereunto  set  their  hands  and  seals  this 
sixteenth  day  of  April  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
1778. 

J.  B.  LAZARUS  THEVENEAU  DE  FRANCY, 

WILLIAM  ELLERY. 

JAMES  FORBES. 

WILLIAM  HENRY  DRAYTON. 

WILLIAM  DUER. 

Sealed,  signed,  and  delivered  in  the  presence  Oi 

CHARLES  THOMSON, 
Secretary  of  Congress. 

This  contract,  so  precise  in  its  stipulations,  does 
not  calm  the  troubled  waters.  Shipments  continue 
under  its  provisions,  but  payment  for  them  is  not 
made  by  Congress.  The  party  which  supports 
Arthur  Lee  in  this  assembly,  led  by  his  brother  Rich 
ard  Henry  Lee  and  Samuel  Adams,  is  too  strong. 
Finally,  in  September,  1778,  the  Committee  of  Con 
gress,  to  have  the  matter  closed  up,  send  a  copy  of 
the  Contract  to  the  American  Commissioners  in  Paris 
for  further  information.  Silas  Deahe,  traduced  by 
Arthur  Lee,  had  been  recalled  and  John  Adams 


THE    UNITED   STATES  AND  ITS  FATE.      12? 

appointed  in  his  place.  The  Commissioners  accord 
ingly  address  the  following  letter  to  the  Count  de 
Vergennes  : 

"  PASSY,  September  10,  1778. 

"  SIR  :  By  some  of  the  last  ships  from  Amer 
ica,  we  received  from  Congress  certain  powers 
and  instructions  which  we  think  it  necessary  to 
lay  before  your  Excellency,  and  which  we  have 
the  honor  to  do  in  this  letter. 

''On  the  1 3th  of  April  last  Congress  resolved, 
'That  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States  in 
France  be  authorized  to  determine  and  settle 
with  the  house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  the 
compensation,  if  any,  which  should  be  allowed 
them  on  all  merchandise  and  warlike  stores, 
shipped  by  them  for  the  use  of  the  .United  States, 
previous  to  the  I4th  day  of  April,  1778,  over  and 
above  the  Commission  allowed  them 'in  the  6th 
article  of  the  proposed  contract  between  the 
Committee  of  Commerce  and  John  Baptiste 
Lazarus  Theveneau  de  Francy.' 

"  In  the  letter  of  the  Committee  of  Commerce 
to  us,  in  which  the  foregoing  resolution  was 
enclosed,  the  Committee  express  themselves 
thus:  'This  will  be  accompanied  by  a  contract 


128       BEAUAfARCffAIS'S  CONTRACT  WITH 

entered  into  between  John  Baptiste  Lazarus  de 
Theveneau  de  Francy,  agent  of  Peter  Augustine 
Caron  de  Beaumarchais,  representative  of  the 
house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  and  the 
Committee  of  Commerce.  You  will  observe  that 
their  accounts  are  to  be  fairly  settled,  and  what  is 
justly  due  paid  for,  as,  on  the  one  hand,  Congress 
would  be  unwilling  to  evidence  a  disregard  for, 
and  contemptuous  refusal  of,  the  spontaneous 
friendship  of  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  so,  on 
the  other,  they  are  unwilling  to  put  into  the  pri 
vate  pockets  of  individuals  what  was  graciously 
designed  for  the  public  benefit.  You  will  be 
pleased  to  have  their  accounts  liquidated,  and 
direct,  in  the  liquidation  thereof,  that  particular 
care  be  taken  to  distinguish  the  property  of  the 
crown  of  France  from  the  private  property  of 
Hortalez  &  Co.,  and  transmit  to  us  the  accounts 
so  stated  and  distinguished.  This  will  also  be 
accompanied  by  an  invoice  of  articles  to  be  im 
ported  from  France,  and  resolves  of  Congress 
relative  thereto.  You  will  appoint,  if  you  should 
judge  proper,  an  agent  or  agents  to  inspect  the 
quality  of  such  goods  as  you  may  apply  for 
to  the  house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co. 


THE    UNITED   STATES  AND   ITS  FATE.      129 

before  they  are  shipped,  to  prevent  any  imposi 
tions. 

"  On  the  i6th  of  May  last,  Congress  resolved, 
'  That  the  invoice  of  articles  to  be  imported 
from  France,  together  with  the  list  of  medicines 
approved  by  Congress,  be  signed  by  the  Com 
mittee  of  Commerce,  and  transmitted  to  the  Com 
missioners  of  the  United  States  at  Paris,  who  are 
authorized  and  directed  to  apply  to  the  house  of 
Rodcrigue  Hortalez  &  Co.  for  such  of  said  articles 
as  they  shall  have  previously  purchased  or  con 
tracted  for  ;  that  copies  of  the  invoice  be  delivered 
to  Mons.  de  Francy,  agent  for  Roderigue  Hor 
talez  &  Co.,  together  with  a  copy  of  the  foregoing 
resolution  ;  and  that  the  articles  to  be  shipped 
by  the  house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co. 
be  not  insured,  but  that  notice  be  given  to  the 
Commissioners  in  France  that  they  may  en 
deavor  to  obtain  convoy  for  the  protection 
thereof. 

"  We  have  the  honor  to  enclose  to  your  Excel 
lency  a  copy  of  the  contract  made  between  the 
Committee  and  Monsieur  de  Francy,  a  copy  of 
Monsieur  Francy's  powers,  and  a  copy  of  the  list 
of  articles  to  be  furnished  according  to  that  con- 


13°         BE  A  UMA  A'  CHA  IS'S  CON  TRA  CT  WI TH 

tract,    that  your    Excellency    may    have    before 
you  all  the  papers  relative  to  this  subject. 

"  We  are  under  the  necessity  of  applying  to 
your  Excellency  upon  this  occasion,  and  of  re 
questing  your  advice.  With  regard  to  what  is 
passed,  we  know  not  who  the  persons  are  who 
constitute  the  house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  & 
Co.;  but  we  have  understood,  and  Congress  has 
ever  understood,  and  so  have  the  people  in 
America  in  general,  that  they  were  under  obli 
gations  to  His  Majesty's  good  will  for  the  great 
est  part  of  the  merchandise  and  warlike  stores 
heretofore  furnished  under  the  firm  of  Roderigue 
Hortalez  &  Co.  We  can  not  discover  that  any 
written  contract  was  ever  made  between  Congress 
or  any  agent  of  theirs  and  the  house  of  Rode 
rigue  Hortalez  &Co.;  nor  do  we  know  of  any  liv 
ing  witness,  or  any  other  evidence,  whose  testi 
mony  can  ascertain  to  us  who  the  persons  are  that 
constitute  the  house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co., 
or  what  were  the  terms  upon  which  the  mer 
chandise  and  munitions  of  war  were  supplied, 
neither  as  to  the  price,  nor  the  time,  or  condi 
tions  of  payment.  As  we  said  before,  we  appre 
hend  that  the  United  States  hold  themselves 


THE  UNITED   STATES  AND  ITS  FATE.      131 

under  obligations  to  His  Majesty  for  all  those 
supplies,  and  we  are  sure  it  is  their  wish  and  their 
determination  to  discharge  the  obligation  to 
His  Majesty  as  soon  as  Providence  shall  put 
it  in  their  power.  In  the  mean  time,  we 
are  ready  to  settle  and  liquidate  the 
accounts  according  to  our  instructions  at  any 
time,  and  in  any  manner  which  His  Majesty  and 
your  Excellency  shall  point  out  to  us.  As  the 
contract  for  future  supplies  is  to  be  ratified  or 
not  ratified  by  us,  as  we  shall  judge  expedient, 
we  must  request  your  Excellency's  advice  as  a 
favor  upon  this  head,  and  whether  it  would  be  safe 
or  prudent  in  us  to  ratify  it,  and  in  Congress  to 
depend  upon  supplies  from  this  quarter.  Be 
cause,  if  we  should  depend  upon  this  resource  for 
supplies  and  be  disappointed,  the  consequences 
would  be  fatal  to  our  country. 

"  We  have  the  honor,  etc., 

"JOHN   ADAMS, 
"ARTHUR  LEE, 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 

This  letter  shows  belief  in  Arthur  Lee's  statements 
and  disregard  of  the  statements  made  by  Silas  Deane. 
Considering  the  important  services  of  this  able  patriot 


1 3  2         BE  A  UMA  K  Cl  I  A  IS '  S  CO;Y  7  'RA  CT  IV I  Til 

there  is  not  probably  in  our  history  a  more  signal  in 
stance  of  the  effect  of  political  malignity.  The  Count 
de  Vergennes  could  not  reply  to  this  letter  officially, 
as  there  was  no  formal  diplomatic  recognition  of  the 
commissioners  ;  nor  could  he  sanction  the  affairs  of 
Roderigue  Hortalez  c\:  Co.,  owing  to  the  supposed 
secrecy  with  which  they  were  conducted  and  the  con 
sequent  ignorance  by  the  government  of  such  a  house. 
Meanwhile,  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  had 
been  signed,  and  Gerard  de  Rayneval  appointed  Min 
ister  to  the  United  States,  where  he  arrived  in  July  of 
this  year.  He  accordingly  writes  to  Gerard  de  Ray 
neval  at  Philadelphia  what  answer  he  will  make  to  the 
letter  of  the  American  Commissioners,  and  orders  him 
to  communicate  the  substance  of  it  to  Congress  : 

"  These  plenipotentiaries  have  just  made  a  new 
demand  on  me  embracing  two  subjects,  one  con 
cerning  the  endorsement  of  M.  de  Beaumarchais's 
accounts  under  the  name  of  Roderigue  Hortalez 
&  Co.,  and  the  other  a  ratification  of  the  contract 
which  Congress,  or  rather  the  Committee  of  Com 
merce  in  its  name,  has  made  with  the  Sieur  The- 
vencau  de  Francy,  agent  of  the  Sieur  Caron  de 
Beaumarchais.  M.  Franklin  and  his  colleagues 
vould  like  to  know  what  articles  have  been 
supplied  by  the  King,  and  those  that  have  been 
;upplied  by  M.  de  Beaumarchais  on  his  own  ac- 


THE   I'XITED    STATES  AXD   ITS  FATE.      133 

count,  and  they  insinuate  that  Congress  is  per 
suaded  that  all,  or  at  least  a  large  portion,  of 
what  has  been  sent  is  on  account  of  His  Majesty. 
I  am  about  to  reply  that  the  King  has  not  fur 
nished  anything;  that  he  has  simply  allowed 
M.  de  Beaumarchais  to  provide  himself  with  what 
he  wanted  in  the  arsenals,  on  condition  of  re 
placing  what  he  took;  and  that,  for  the  rest,  I  will 
gladly  interpose  in  order  that  they  may  not  be 
pressed  for  the  payment  of  the  military  supplies. 
"As  to  the  contract  made  with  the  Sieur 
Francy  the  Commissioners  are  empowered  to 
ratify  it  or  reject  it,  and  they  ask  my  advice 
what  they  shall  do.  As  I  do  not  know  the 
house  of  Roderigue  Hortalez  &  Co.,  and  can  not 
vouch  for  it,  it  is  impossible  to  give  any  opinion 
either  on  its  standing  or  on  its  responsibility. 
Please  communicate  these  two  replies  to  Con 
gress.  I  am  confident  beforehand  that  Congress 
will  appreciate  their  correctness." 

This  diplomatic  letter,  considering  Silas  Deane's 
reports  to  the  Committee  of  Congress  on  his  transac 
tions  in  Paris  and  the  necessity  which  still  existed 
of  the  French  government  ignoring  American  opera 
tions,  was  properly  worded,  It  is  really  a  covert  en- 


134        BEAUMARCHAIS'S  CONTRACT  WITH 

dorsement  of  Beaumarchais.  That  it  is  so  considered 
by  Congress  is  evident  from  subsequent  proceed 
ings.  De  Rayneval  obeyed  his  instructions,  and,  with 
out  any  compromise  of  diplomatic  reserve,  explained 
Beaumarchais's  operations  in  such  a  way  as  to  satisfy 
Congress  that  they  were  correct.  The  proof  of  this  is 
evident  in  the  following  letter  sent  to  Beaumarchais 
near  the  close  of  the  year  1778,  and  received  by  him 
in  January,  1779  : 

"  SIR  :  The  Congress  of  the  United  States,  sen 
sible  of  your  exertions  in  their  favor,  present  you 
with  their  thanks  and  assure  you  of  their  regard. 

They  lament  the  inconvenience  you  have  suf 
fered  by  the  great  advances  made  in  support  of 
these  States.  Circumstances  have  prevented  a 
compliance  with  their  wishes ;  but  they  will  take 
the  most  effectual  measures  in  their  power  to  dis 
charge  the  debt  due  you. 

"  The  liberal  sentiments  and  extensive  views 
which  could  alone  dictate  a  conduct  like  yours 
are  conspicuous  in  your  actions  and  adorn  your 
character.  While  with  great  talents  you  served 
your  Prince,  you  have  gained  the  esteem  of  this 
infant  Republic  and  will  receive  the  united 
applause  of  the  New  World.  JOHN  JAY, 

"  President." 


THE  UNITED    STATES  AND  ITS  FATE.      135 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Congress  held  its 
sessions  with  closed  doors  and  kept  no  record  of  its 
discussions.  A  record  of  its  acts,  resolutions,  reports 
and  similar  documents  was  kept,  but  none  of  its  de 
bates,  as  far  as  I  can  learn.  The  only  official  glimpse 
we  have  of  these  is  probably  that  furnished  by  Ge 
rard  de  Rayneval,  who  was  daily  advised  of  what  trans 
pired  in  relation  to  French  interests.  It  may  be  con- 
jectured  by  what  follows  that,  at  the  time  John  Jay 
sent  the  above  letter  to  Beaumarchais,  the  Lee  party 
was  voted  down.  But  it  did  not  remain  passive. 
Determined  to  create  public  excitement  on  the  Beau 
marchais  business,  it  employs  early  in  January,  1779, 
the  powerful  and  popular  pen  of  the  author  of  u  Com 
mon  Sense,"  Tom  Paine,  who  is  not  only  a  jour 
nalist  at  this  time  but  the  holder  of  a  secretaryship 
under  the  government.  Tom  Paine,  accordingly, 
reiterates  in  a  newspaper  the  false  assertions  of  Ar 
thur  Lee  in  regard  to  the  supplies  furnished  by 
Beaumarchais.  The  following  letter  by  Gerard  de 
Rayneval  tells  the  story  with  sufficient  clearness.  He 
writes  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  January  10,  1779  : 

"  The  disadvantages  of  the  freedom  of  the 
press  begin  to  be  apparent  here,  as  in  all  countries 
where  it  is  recognised.  M.  Paine,  secretary  to 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  has  been  led 
by  his  animosity  to  M.  Silas  Deane  to  publish  a 
scandalous  assertion  that  the  assistance  furnished 


I36        BEAUMARCHAIS'S  CONTRACT   WITH 

by  M.  de  Beaumarchais  had  been  promised  as  a 
gift,  and  that  he  had  the  written  evidence  of  it 
in  his  possession.  I  was  too  sensible  of  the 
effect  of  this  falsehood  not  to  take  measures  to 
forestall  it.  As  I  had  always  been  on  good 
terms  with  M.  Paine  I  resolved  to  call  on  him 
and  try  to  have  him  correct  his  statement  in 
such  a  way  as  not  to  leave  any  imputation 
against  France.  I  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in 
convincing  him  of  his  error,  and  especially  to 
make  him  promise  to  retract  it.  But,  to  my 
great  surprise  and  dissatisfaction,  nothing  has 
been  published  by  him  calculated  to  remove 
the  impression  produced  by  his  false  assertion. 
I  then  thought  it  necessary  to  refer  what  he 
wrote  to  Congress.  Congress,  however,  did  not 
wait  for  this  to  show  me  its  indignation.  It  no 
longer  entertains  the  slightest  doubt  on  this 
affair  as  it  really  is  ;  the  very  clay  the  paper 
appeared  it  took  steps  to  rectify  this  claim  by 
leaving  His  Majesty  free  to  offset  any  portion 
of  it  by  his  indebtedness  to  the  States  for 
subsistences  furnished  to  his  forces.  More 
over,  Monseigneur,  all  assure  me  that 
Messrs.  Lee  and  Samuel  Adams  prevented 


THE   UNITED    STATES  AND  ITS  FATE.      137 

M.    Paine  from    giving    me  the    satisfaction  de 
manded." 

The  result  is,  Tom  Paine  is  deprived  of  his  secre 
taryship,  for,  a  week  later,  Gerard  de  Rayneval  thus 
continues  : 

"  The  only  remedy  that  occurred  to  me  to 
overcome  this  difficulty,  and  even  profit  by  it, 
was  to  have  an  offer  made  to  M.  Paine  to  secure 
him  a  salary  by  the  King,  in  place  of  that  he  lost. 
He  called  and  thanked  me  for  this.  I  stipulated 
that  he  should  not  make  any  publication  on 
political  affairs  nor  in  relation  to  Congress,  with 
out  first  consulting  me,  and  that  he  should 
employ  his  pen  chiefly  in  inspiring  the  people 
with  sentiments  favorable  to  France  and  the 
alliance,  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  maintain  hatred 
and  distrust  of  the  English.  He  seemed  to 
accept  this  task  with  pleasure.  I  promised  him 
the  same  salary  of  a  thousand  dollars  per  annum, 
as  soon  as  Congress  dismissed  him.  He  has 
already  entered  on  his  duties  by  declaring  in 
the  Gazette  of  the  i6th  inst.  that  the  matter  of 
assistance  did  not  concern  the  Court,  and  was  not 
a  political  affair."  * 

*  See  Appendix  I. 


13s        BEAUMARCHAIS 'S  CONTRACT  WITH 

Owing  to  the  efforts  of  Silas  Deane  to  defend  him 
self,  Arthur  Lee  was  now  recalled  from  Paris  in  his 
turn.  The  Lee  party  resumed  its  machinations 
against  Beaumarchais,  and  this  time  they  proved 
successful  by  preventing  the  settlement  of  his 
accounts.  As  we  shall  return  to  this  party  again, 
when  we  reach  the  correspondence  of  Gerard  de 
Rayneval,  we  follow  the  course  of  Beaumarchais  as 
recounted  by  himself  and  his  biographer  De  Lomenie. 

Beaumarchais  continues  to  supply  the  Americans 
and  equips  a  fleet.  The  following  letter  to  De 
Francy  is  in  relation  to  it  : 

"  PARIS,  December  6,  1778. 
"I   send    beforehand    the  privateer  '  Zephyr' 
to   inform  you   that   I   am   ready  to  despatch   a 
fleet  of  twelve  vessels  with  the  '  Fier   Rodrigue  ' 
at  the  head  of  them.     This  fleet  is  fully  armed. 

"You  will  receive  by  the  'Fier  Rodrigue  '  all 
my  accounts  with  Congress  fully  made  out, 
including  insurance,  without  policies,  because  I 
am  my  own  insurer,  and  there  is  no  doubt, 
according  to  all  commercial  decisions  in  Europe, 
that  to  insure,  or  to  take  the  risk  of  insurance, 
gives  an  incontestable  right  to  payment.  Con 
gress  will  not  be  obliged  to  pay  for  cargoes  it 


THE  UNITED    STATES  AND   ITS  FATE.      139 

does  not  receive,  which  may  have  been  lost  on 
the  passage  from  Europe.  I  shall  accompany 
my  accounts  with  an  exact  statement  of  what  I 
have  received  from  Congress,  in  spite  of  the 
faithless  deputation  at  Passy  which  has  claimed 
every  return  cargo.  .  .  .  This  constant  wrong 
done  me  irritates  me,  and  I  have  firmly  resolved 
not  to  have  anything  more  to  do  with  the  depu 
tation  so  long  as  that  rogue  Lee  belongs  to  it." 

Not  only  did  Beaumarchais  send  a  fleet  to  supply 
munitions  of  war  and  to  trade  with  the  Americans, 
but  he  acted  as  cashier  and  banker  for  the  volunteer 
French  officers  who  had  gone  to  America  in  his 
vessels.  He  continues  in  relation  to  this  service  : 

"  I  have  received  no  money  for  Count 
Pulaski  other  than  that  which  he  gave  me  him 
self,  out  of  which  I  have  just  paid  one  hundred 
louis  on  his  receipt.  I  will  send  you  his  account 
as  it  now  stands.  He  was  to  write  to  me,  but  I 
have  no  news  from  him. 

"  I  approve  of  what  you  have  done' for  M.  Lafa 
yette,  the  brave  young  fellow!  In  obliging  men 
of  that  stamp  you  serve  me  just  as  I  want  to  be 
served/' 


14°        BEAUM ARCHAISMS  CONTRACT  WITH 

Lafayette,  says  De  Lomenie  in  a  foot-note,  was  de 
voured  by  American  usurers.  Beaumarchais  states 
that  he  found  "  Jerusalem  at  Philadelphia."  Francy, 
who  was  intimate  with  the  young  general,  had  no 
hesitation  in  lending  his  patron's  money  to  him. 

"  Remember  me  often  and  kindly  to  Baron 
Steuben.  According  to  what  I  hear  from  him  I 
congratulate  myself  on  having  sent  so  fine  an 
officer  to  my  friends  the  free  men,  and  for  having 
compelled  him,  in  a  certain  way,  to  enter  upon 
such  a  noble  career.  I  am  not  at  all  uneasy 
about  the  money  I  lent  him  for  an  outfit.  Never 
have  I  made  a  more  satisfactory  use  of  money, 
for  I  have  placed  a  man  of  honor  where  he  ought 
to  be.*  I  learn  that  he  is  inspector-general  of 
all  the  American  forces  !  Tell  him  that  his  fame 
pays  the  interest  of  his  debt,  and  that  I  have  no 
doubt  of  its  payment  in  this  way  at  usurious 
rates." 

The  letter  closes  with  his  compliments  to  Silas 
Deane,  whom  he  endorses  as  a  worthy  Republican 

*  On  the  death  of  Beaumarchais,  May  18,  1799,  an  inventory 
was  taken  of  his  assets.  On  the  list  appears  the  following  item 
of  Steuben's  indebtedness  to  the  estate  : 

"A  Steuben,  pour  avances  faites  en  particulier  pour  passer  en 
Amerique,  et  a  des  neveux  pour  aller  a  le  joindre,  5997  frs.  2  sols, 
7  deniers." 


THE  UNITED    STATES  AND  ITS  FATE,      14* 

who  would  be    of  far   more   use  to   his  country  (in 
Paris)  than  "  that  low  intriguer  Lee." 

We  now  reach  the  period  of  the  active  and  open 
participation  of  the  French  government  in  the 
American  war.  Henceforth,  Beaumarchais  is  a  more 
secondary  character.  The  foregoing  documents, 
with  the  comments  added,  exhibit  his  diplomatic  and 
commercial  capacity  as  well  as  afford  glimpses  of  his 
talents  in  other  directions.  They  make  clear  the 
nature  of  his  engagements  with  the  United  States, 
and  show  why,  through  the  misconception  of  his  real 
and  inestimable  services,  he  could  not  obtain  a  settle 
ment  of  his  claims  on  our  country  during  his  lifetime. 
Before  following  him  to  the  end,  it  is  well  to  linger 
for  a  moment  on  the  machinations  of  his  persistent 
enemies,  Ducoudray  and  Dr.  Dubourg,  whose  un- 
favorable  reports  in  the  hands  of  Arthur  Lee  and  his 
faction  in  Congress  do  him  so  much  mischief. 


IX. 

THE  ENEMIES  OF   BEAUMARCHAIS. 

\  RTHUR  LEE,  a  sort  of  political  lago,  is  the 
1\  most  persistent  and  vindictive  of  the  enemies  of 
Beaumarchais,  as  will  be  seen  farther  on.  Gerard  de 
Rayneval,  in  a  letter  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes, 
elated  September  27,  1779,  characterizes  the  state 
ments  of  Arthur  Lee  as  "  an  absurd  tissue  of  lies  and 
sarcasms  which  can  do  nothing  but  compromise  those 
who  have  the  misfortune  to  be  in  correspondence 
with  him." 

Of  Ducoudray  there  is  little  to  add  except  that  he 
was  an  able  engineer  ;  that  he  did  all  the  harm  he 
could  to  Beaumarchais,  and  that  he  was  drowned  in 
the  Delaware  during  the  war.  Lafayette  styles  him 
"a  clever  busybody,  a  good  officer,  but  vain  even  to 
craziness,"  while  he  speaks  of  his  death  as  a  "  lucky 
accident." 

Dr.  Dubourg  was  a  botanist  whose  acquaintance 
Franklin  had  made  during  his  sojourn  in  England, 
and  with  whom  he  corresponded  before  he  left  that 
country.  Like  many  other  large  and  small  capitalists 
of  the  day  in  France  who  were  encouraged  by  the 
government  to  make  such  investments,  Dubourg 

143 


144        THE  ENEMIES  OF  BEAUMARCHA1S. 

thought  that  he  could  turn  an  honest  penny  by  a 
venture  across  the  seas  to  aid  combatants  in  the 
cause  of  freedom,  of  whom  he  was  a  stanch  friend. 
De  Lomenie  says :  "  This  doctor,  on  whom  Ver- 
gennes  had  bestowed  some  of  his  confidence,  and 
who  had  told  him  of  his  intention  to  subsidize  various 
commercial  houses  so  that  these  might  be  of  service 
to  the  Americans,  was  hoping  that  he  and  his  asso 
ciates  would  be  selected  for  this  purpose,  when  he 
learned  that  the  Minister,  apparently  more  convinced 
of  Beaumarchais's  ability  than  of  theirs,  had  given 
him  the  preference."  Irritated  at  being  supplanted 
by  the  author  of  the  "  Barber  of  Seville,"  the  old 
doctor  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Count  de 
Vergennes  : 


"  MONSEIGNEUR  : 

"  I  saw  M.  de  Beaumarchais  this  morning  and 
conferred  with  him  without  reserve.  Every 
body  is  familiar  with  his  wit,  and  nobody  more 
than  myself  can  do  better  justice  to  his  integrity, 
discretion,  and  zeal  in  behalf  of  all  that  is  great 
and  good.  I  regard  him  as  one  of  the  most 
suitable  men  in  the  world  for  political  negotia 
tions,  but,  at  the  same  time,  perhaps  one  of  the 
least  suitable  for  mercantile  transactions.  He  is 
fond  of  display,  and  it  is  currently  stated  that  he 


THE  ENEMIES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.        145 

keeps  young  ladies.     He  passes  for  a  spendthrift, 

and  there   is  not  a  merchant  or  manufacturer  in 

i 

France  who  does  not  so  regard  him  and  who 
would  not  hesitate  in  having  anything  to  do  with 
him.  He  accordingly  really  astonishes  me  by 
telling  me  that  you  have  not  only  charged  him 
to  aid  us  with  his  knowledge,  but  that  you  have 
concentrated  in-  his  person  the  entire  manage 
ment  of  all  commercial  operations,  whether  going 
or  coming,  all  munitions  of  war,  all  goods  ordi 
narily  despatched  to  the  American  or  French 
colonies, — in  short,  the  direction  of  business  in 
general,  the  fixing  of  prices,  the  making  of  con 
tracts,  the  settlement  of  indebtedness,  etc.  I 
agree  with  him  that  it  would  be  better  to  carry 
on  these  operations  with  greater  secrecy,  but  I 
represented  to  him  that,  in  absorbing  the  whole 
of  this  immense  traffic,  and  in  entirely  excluding 
people  who  had  risked  so  much  for  the  past  year 
in  the  service  of  Congress,  it  would  give  them  a 
right  to  exclaim  against  monopoly.  He  replied 
that  this  would  be  no  prejudice  to  their  inter 
ests,  and  he  employed  all  his  eloquence  to  prove 
it  the  best  way  he  could.  I  admit  that  particu 
lar  motives  do  not  suffice  to  offset  the  secrecy 


146         THE   ENEMIES  OI'    BEAUMARCHAIS. 

necessary  at  this  critical  juncture  ;  but  allow  me 
to  express  a  doubt  whether  there  are  not  other 
means,  even  better  ones,  for  guaranteeing  this 
important  secret.  There  are  perhaps  a  hundred, 
perhaps  a  thousand,  persons  in  France,  with  very 
inferior  talents  to  those  of  M.  de  Beaumarchais, 
who  could  better  carry  out  your  views  by  in 
spiring  more  confidence  among  those  with  whom 
they  would  have  to  deal." 

De  Lomenie  aptly  remarks  that  this  letter  proves 
the  support  by  the  government  of  not  only  Beaumar- 
chais's  commercial  enterprise,  but  of  others  like  it  ;  it 
also  proves  the  justice  of  Beaumarchais's  claims  in 
Congress  for  return  cargoes  in  accordance  with  the 
agreement  entered  into  with  its  Paris  agent,  Silas 
Deane.  Vergennes  communicated  Dr.  Dubourg's 
letter  to  Beaumarchais,  who  sent  the  following  answer 
direct  to  the  doctor  : 

"  Tuesday,  July  16,  1776. 

"  ,  .  .  I  now  comprehend  very  well  why  you 
have  taken  time  to  write  to  the  minister  about 
me.  But,  to  obtain  real  information,  was  it  really 
necessary  to  provide  him  with  that  which  is  not 
so  ?  Suppose  that  I  do  go  into  society  and  am 
fond  of  display,  and  keep  young  ladies — what 


THE   ENEMIES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.         H7 

has  that  to  do  with  our  affairs  ?  The  young 
ladies  whom  I  have  kept  for  twenty  years,  sir, 
are  your  very  humble  servants.  They  were  once 
four  sisters  and  a  niece.  Three  years  ago,  two  of 
these  kept  young  ladies,  to  my  great  sorrow, 
died.  I  now  keep  only  three,  two  sisters  and  my 
niece,  which  is  not  very  ostentatious  for  an  indi 
vidual  of  my  standing.  But  what  would  you 
think  if,  on  better  acquaintance  with  me,  you 
also  discovered  that,  pushing  scandal  to  greater 
lengths,  I  likewise  keep  boys,  two  young 
nephews,  very  good-looking,  and  again  even  the 
unfortunate  father  who  brought  such  a  scanda 
lous  voluptuary  into  this  world?  As  to  my  fond 
ness  for  display,  that  is  worse  still.  Finding  for 
the  past  three  years  that  laces  and  embroidered 
coats  were  too  mean  to  suit  my  vanity,  have  I 
not  affected  to  gratify  my  pride  with  cuffs  of 
plain  white  muslin  ?  The  finest  black  cloth  is 
not  too  fine  for  me,  and  sometimes  I  have  been 
seen  pushing  puppyism  even  to  silk,  when  the 
weather  happened  to  be  too  warm — but  I  entreat 
you,  sir,  not  to  impart  this  to  M.  le  Comte  de 
Vergennes,  for  you  will  ruin  me  in  his  esti 
mation. 


*48         THE  ENEMIES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

"  You  had  your  reasons  for  writing  evil  to  him 
about  me,  of  whom  you  know  nothing  ;  I  have 
mine  for  not  taking  offense  at  it,  although  I  have 
the  honor  to  know  you.  You  are,  sir,  an  honest 
man  with  such  a  burning  desire  to  do  a  great 
good  that  you  thought  yourself  warranted  in 
doing  a  little  evil  in  order  to  succeed.  This  is 
not  exactly  the  Scripture  standard  of  morality  ; 
but  I  have  found  a  good  many  who  accommodate 
themselves  to  it.  The  Fathers  of  the  Church,  to 
convert  the  heathen,  sometimes  indulged  in  simi 
lar  risky  citations,  in  sacred  calumnies  which  they, 
among  themselves,  termed  pious  frauds.  But  let 
us  stop  jesting.  I  have  no  feeling  in  the  matter, 
because  M.  de  Vergennes  is  not  a  small  man,  and 
I  hold  myself  subject  to  his  reply.  Let  those  of 
whom  I  ask  credit  in  business  distrust  me  if  they 
please  ;  but  let  those  who  are  animated  by  genu 
ine  zeal  in  behalf  of  common  friends  think  twice 
before  breaking  with  an  honorable  man  who 
offers  to  render  every  service  and  make  every 
useful  advance  to  these  very  friends.  Now,  sir? 
do  you  understand  me  ? 

11  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  with  the 
highest  consideration,  your  very  humble  and 


THE   ENEMIES   OF  BEAUMARCHAIS.         M9 

very    obedient    servant,    well    known    under   the 
name  of 

"  RODERIGUE    HORTALEZ  &  CO." 

The  good  doctor  always  cherished  rancor  against 
Beaumarchais,  and  he  prejudiced  Franklin  against 
him.  It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  he  showed 
Beaumarchais's  letter  to  the  great  philosopher. 


X. 

THE    SETTLEMENT    OF   BEAUMARCHAIS'S 
CLAIMS  AGAINST  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

IN  1781,  Beaumarchais's  accounts  still  remained  un 
paid.  John  Jay,  as  President  of  Congress  in  1779. 
was,  as  we  have  seen,  satisfied  of  the  necessity  of 
settling  them,  and  had  assured  Beaumarchais  that  his 
claims  would  be  honored.  Silas  Deane,  who  was 
qualified  to  adjust  the  balance  due,  had  returned  to 
France  and  fixed  the  amount  at  3,600,000  francs. 
Thus  endorsed  by  the  accredited  representative  of 
Congress  who  had  contracted  the  debt,  Beaumarchais 
urged  payment.  He  received  no  answer  for  two 
years.  In  1783,  a  new  agent  of  the  United  States, 
Mr.  Barclay,  is  sent  as  Consul-General  and  is  in 
structed  to  revise  the  accounts  adjusted  by  Silas 
Deane.  Beaumarchais  refuses  to  accede  to  this. 
Barclay  declares  that  the  United.  States  will  pay 
nothing  unless  the  accounts  are  re-examined.  Beau 
marchais  resists  for  a  year  and  then  yields.  The 
accounts  are  revised  and  reduced  by  Barclay.  Things 
remain  in  this  state  until  1786,  \vhen,  in  the  adjust 
ment  of  the  accounts  between  the  French  and  United 
States  governments,  there  is  a  dispute  about  a  million 
francs,  which  the  latter  claims  as  part-payment  of 
Beaumarchais's  account,  but  with  which  the  Count  de 


15^    SET'l  'L  EM  EN  T  OF  BE  A  UMA  R  CI1A  IS  '  S  CLA  IMS 

Vergennes  declares  that  the  United  States  govern 
ment  have  nothing  to  do.  This  is  the  million  re 
ceipted  for  by  Beaumarchais  June  10,  1776,  for  which 
he  was  alone  accountable  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 
In  spite  of  this  Congress  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
Beaumarchais  owed  the  sum  to  the  United  States  and 
that  his  account  should  not  be  settled  until  this  mys 
tery  was  cleared  up.  It  is  only  cleared  up  now  in  the 
work  of  De  Lomenie,  which  shows  conclusively  that 
the  United  States  had  no  right  to  demand  it.  In 
1787, with  patience  exhausted,  Beaumarchais  addresses 
a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  from  which  the 
following  is  an  extract  : 

"  What  do  you  suppose  is  the  general  opinion 
here  of  the  vicious  circle  in  which  you  have  in 
volved  me  ?  We  will  not  reimburse  M.  de  Beau 
marchais  until  his  accounts  are  adjusted  by  us, 
and  we  will  not  adjust  his  accounts,  so  as  not  to 
pay  them  !  With  a  nation  that  has  become  a 
powerful  sovereign,  gratitude  may  be  a  simple 
virtue  unworthy  of  its  policy ;  but  no  govern 
ment  can  be  relieved  from  doing  justice  and  of 
discharging  its  debts.  I  venture  to  hope,  sir, 
that,  impressed  by  the  importance  of  this  matter 
and  the  soundness  of  my  reasoning,  you  will 
oblige  me  with  an  official  reply  stating  what 
decision  the  honorable  Congress  will  come  to, 


AGAINST    THE    UNITED   STATES.  153 

either  to  promptly  adjust  my  accounts  and  settle 
them,  like  any  equitable  sovereign,  or  submit  the 
points  in  dispute  to  arbiters  in  Europe  with  re 
gard  to  insurances  and  commissions,  as  M.  Bar 
clay  had  the  honor  of  proposing  to  you  in  1785, 
or,  finally,  to  let  me  know  without  further  shift 
that  American  sovereigns,  unmindful  of  past 
services,  deny  me  justice.  I  shall  then  adopt 
such  measures  as  seem  best  for  my  despised 
interests  and  my  wounded  honor,  without  lacking 
in  the  profound  respect  with  which  I  am,  sir,  the 
very  humble  servant  of  the  general  Congress  and 
yourself,  Monsieur  le  President. 

"CARON  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS." 


Congress  found  this  letter  somewhat  offensive,  and, 
to  give  its  creditor  a  lesson,  handed  over  the  accounts 
for  examination  to  the  only  man  whom  Beaumarchais 
would  have  excluded  from  that  task,  Arthur  Lee. 
Lee  made  short  work  of  it  ;  he  decided  that  not  only 
the  United  States  owed  Beaumarchais  nothing,  but 
that  he  owed  the  United  States  1,800,000  francs. 
After  four  years  of  opposition  to  this  by  Beaumarchais, 
Congress,  in  1793,  ordered  a  new  investigation  of  the 
claim  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  reversed  Arthur 
Lee's  verdict  and  pronounced  the  indebtedness  of  the 
United  States  to  Beaumarchais  to  be  2,280,000  francs. 


154   SETTLEMENT  OF  BE  A  UMARCIIAIS'S  CLAIMS 

Unfortunately,  the  "  lost  million  "  again  turned  up, 
and  the  account  remained  unpaid.  Meanwhile,  the 
French  Revolution  had  made  Heaumarchais  a  refugee 
in  Hamburg,  where,  without  money  and  living  in  a 
garret,  he  resolved  to  leave  to  his  daughter  his 
American  claim  as  a  legacy,  with  a  memorial  of  which 
the  following  is  the  opening  passage  : 


"  Americans,  I  served  you  with  untiring  zeal. 
I  have  thus  far  received  no  return  for  this  but 
vexation  and  disappointment,  and  I  die  your 
creditor.  On  leaving  this  world,  I  have  to  ask 
you  to  give  what  you  owe  me  to  my  daughter  as 
a  dowry.  When  I  am  gone  she  will,  perhaps, 
have  nothing,  on  account  of  other  wrongs  against 
which  I  can  no  longer  contend.  Through  your 
delay  in  discharging  my  claims  Providence  may 
have  intended  to  provide  her  with  a  resource 
against  utter  destitution.  Adopt  her  after  my 
death  as  a  worthy  child  of  the  country !  Her 
mother  and  my  widow,  equally  unfortunate,  will 
conduct  her  to  you.  Regard  her  as  the  daughter 
of  a  citizen.  .  .  Americans,  ...  be  charitable  to 
your  friend,  to  one  whose  accumulated  services 
have  been  recompensed  in  no  other  way  !  Date 
pboln m  Belisario* ' ' 


AGAINST    THE    UNITED    STATES,  155 

Other  pathetic  and  somewhat  flowery  passages 
of  this  memorial,  characteristic  of  their  author 
and  excusable  in  one  who  stands  on  the  verge  of 
the  grave,  are  omitted.  Congress  remains  deaf  to 
the  appeal  of  one  who  had  been  its  purveyor  in 
times  of  trouble.  Not  only  is  he  suffered  to  die 
without  a  settlement  of  his  claim,  but  for  thirty-six 
years  after  his  death,  from  1799  to  1835,  every  suc 
cessive  government  in  France,  and  every  French 
minister  to  the  United  States,  tried  in  vain  to  effect 
this  in  behalf  of  his  heirs.  Among  the  French  minis 
ters  who  performed  this  duty  was  Talleyrand,  who 
thus  writes  : 

"  Opposition  is  made  to  M.  dc  Beaumarchais's 
heirs  on  account  of  a  receipt  he  gave  June  10, 
17/6,  for  one  million  francs,  paid  to  him  by  order 
of  M.  de  Vergemies,  and  it  is  pretended  that  this 
sum  should  be  credited  on  account  of  the  supplies 
which  he  furnished  to  the  United  States.  As 
the  payment  and  purpose  of  this  million  related 
to  a  measure  of  secret  political  service  ordered 
by  the  King,  and  immediately  executed,  it  does 
not  seem  either  just  or  proper  to  confound  this 
with  mercantile  operations,  later  in  date,  carried 
on  between  Congress  and  a  private  individual.  .  . 
I  request  you  accordingly,  citizen  minister,  to 
support  the  demands  of  the  Beaumarchais  family 


IT 


1 5  6    SE  T7'L  EM  EN  T  OF  BE  A  UMA  R  CHA  IS  '  .V  CL  A  IMS 

and  to  lay  stress  on  the  considerations  of  national 
loyalty  and  honor  to  which  it  appeals.  A  French 
citizen  who  risked  his  entire  fortune  to  help  the 
Americans,  and  whose  zeal  and  activity  were  so 
essentially  useful  during  the  war  which  gave  them 
their  liberty  and  their  rank  among  nations,  might 
unquestionably  pretend  to  some  favor;  in  any 
event  he  should  be  listened  to  when  he  asks  for 
nothing  but  good  faith  and  justice. 

11  TALLEYRAND." 

This  view  of  the  case  by  a  remarkably  clear-headed 
man  may  be  accepted  as  the  final  verdict.  The  Uni 
ted  States  government  persisted,  notwithstanding,  in 
refusing  a  settlement  of  the  debt,  in  spite  of  favorable 
opinions  by  eminent  American  lawyers,  and  in  spite  of 
the  presence  at  Washington  of  Beaumarchais's  daugh 
ter,  who,  with  her  son,  came  in  1824  to  solicit  it  in 
person.*  Only  in  1835  was  the  matter  finally  dis 
posed  of  in  the  summary  settlement  of  French  claims 
generally,  under  the  administration  of  General  Jack 
son.  Hamilton,  in  1793,  admitted  that  the  United 
States  owed  Beaumarchais  at  least  2,280,000  francs  ; 
in  1835  the  heirs  had  the  option  of  taking  800,000 
francs,  or  nothing.  They  accepted  this  sum.  All  that 
can  be  added  is  that,  considering  the  important  evi 
dence  which  time  has  brought  to  light  in  relation  to 

*  See  Appendix  II. 


AGAINST    THE    UNITED   STATES.  157 

the  great  services  of  Beaumarchais  to  the  country, 
this  settlement  of  his  claim  can  not  be  regarded  as 
either  equitable  or  creditable. 

To  say  that  Beaumarchais,  in  serving  the  United 
States,  was  influenced  by  an  abstract  love  of  freedom, 
or  by  philanthropic  motives,  would  be  saying  too 
much  ;  but  this  does  not  prevent  one  from  asserting 
that  kindred  sentiments  prompted  him  to  interest  him 
self  heartily  in  the  American  cause.  Beaumarchais 
loved  his  country,  as  all  Frenchmen  do  intensely,  and 
when  it  became  involved  in  the  American  war,  he  was 
at  least  patriotic.  Had  he  been  a  mere  speculator,  as 
some  have  styled  him,  he  would,  on  many  occasions, 
have  sacrificed  the  interests  of  his  country  to  his  per 
sonal  interests.  Again,  he  shared  in  the  enthusiasm  of 
his  day  for  social  reforms,  as  well  as  in  the  chivalrous 
sentiments  of  men  like  Lafayette.  His  expressions 
of  sympathy  for  Lafayette  and  Steuben,  also  his 
praise  of  the  bravery  of  the  American  soldiers,  were 
sincere.  Admitting  that  he  was  vain,  as  is  apparent 
in  his  letters  and  memorials,  and  that  he  wanted  to 
profit  by  his  commercial  ventures,  other  impulses 
prompted  his  remarkable  energy.  He  was  a  real 
friend  and  a  generous  one  to  the  men  he  employed  ; 
he  entered  into  the  spirit  of  their  action,  gave  them 
money  freely,  and  encouraged  them  with  hearty  praise. 
Calvinist  merchants  were  not  allowed  certain  commer 
cial  privileges  at  Bordeaux ;  he  made  an  eloquent 
appeal  in  their  behalf  with  success.  The  transporta 
tion  of  goods  across  the  country  was  subject  to  a  tax  ; 


15**    SEl^TLEMRXT  OF  BE  A  UMARCHAIS  'S  CLAIMS 

it  was  proposed  to  make  an  exception  in  his  favor  ;  he 
refused  the  privilege  and  wrote  to  the  minister 
proposing  plans  for  modifying  it  in  favor  of  the 
public.  He  advocated  and  succeeded  in  introducing 
improved  fire-engines  against  powerful  prejudices, 
furnished  the  engineers  of  the  scheme  with  capital, 
and  urged  the  government  to  accept  the  enterprise. 
He  gave  his  author's  theatrical  copyright  of  the  "  Mar 
riage  of  Figaro,"  over  3o,ooo  francs,  toward  found 
ing  an  institution  for  the  support  of  poor  mothers  so 
that  they  might  nurse  their  own  children.  Gudin, 
one  of  his  biographers,  states  that  his  charities,  to 
gether  with  loans  to  people  who  never  repaid  them, 
amounted  to  over  2,000,000  francs.  All  this  shows 
that  he  was  a  public-spirited  man. 

But  there  is  another  side  of  his  genius,  that  of  the 
artist,  which  helps  explain  his  conduct.  To  Beau- 
marchais,  all  the  world  is,  literally,  "  a  stage,  and 
all  the  men  and  women  merely  players."  He 
regards  every  one  with  whom  he  comes  in  contact 
as  a  personage  engaged  in  a  dramatic  subject  for 
which  they  are  especially  adapted  ;  he  studies  their 
characters  with  a  view  to  bring  about  the  result  he 
deems  the  proper  one  ;  they  seem  to  him  as  much 
instruments  in  a  play  of  which  he  is  the  author  for  the 
time  being  as  if  they  were  his  own  Figaro,  Almaviva, 
Basil,  or  Dr.  Bartolo..  In  the  "  Eon"  and  "Clavijo" 
affairs,  in  the  u  Goezman  trial,"  in  his  intercourse 
with  men  like  Lord  Rochford,  John  Wilkes,  and 
Arthur  Lee,  these  personage  are  "  pipes  which  sound 


AGAINST   THE    UNITED    STATES.  159 

what  stop  he  pleases."  With  a  keen  artistic  percep 
tion  of  his  own  value  he  adapts  himself  readily  to  the 
sober,  practical  judgment  of  the  Count  de  Yergennes. 
He  equally  comprehends  the  character  of  Louis  XVI. 
and,  in  spite  of  royal  sensitiveness,  secures  his  favor 
and  protection.  In  his  letters  to  this  absolute  sover 
eign,  in  which  he  shrewdly  adapts  his  ideas,  language, 
and  logic  to  the  mental  calibre  of  the  King,  advis 
ing  him  what  policy  to  pursue  ;  telling  him,  in  terms 
that  would  be  considered  impertinent  by  any  other 
monarch,  that  any  of  his  frivolous  or  ostentatious 
seigniors  could  represent  the  country  at  London,  he 
shows  the  consummate  tact  of  the  dramatist  who 
knows  the  world  he  moves  in  and  the  intellectual  value 
of  the  people  around  him.  "  I  honor  the  insignia  of 
rank,  but,  after  that,  I  see  nothing  but  the  man.  I 
give  no  heed  to  his  decorations,  and  soon  make  up  my 
mind  whether  he  has  more  intelligence,  more  knowl 
edge,  or  more  integrity  than  myself." 

Beaumarchais,  in  short,  must  be  judged  by  the  quali 
ties  which  made  him  the  coadjutor  of  other  great  men 
and  a  prominent  factor  in  the  development  of  impor 
tant  events.  If  he  cannot  be  called  a  pure  philan 
thropist,  or  a  man  as  disinterested  as  Lafayette,  he 
labored  in  our  behalf  prompted  by  the  sentiment  of 
a  great  artist,  and  as  such  is  a  benefactor  to  the  Ameri 
can  people. 


XI. 

CORRESPONDENCE    OF    GERARD   DE   RAY- 
NEVAL — 1778-1779. 

THE  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  between  France 
and  the  federated  colonies  of  America,  which 
brought  France  to  an  open  rupture  with  England  in 
support  of  its  allies,  was  signed  in  Paris  February  6, 
1778.  Up  to  this  time  France  had  rendered  them 
only  secret  assistance,  and,  thus  far,  had  assumed 
none  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  war.  Now,  how 
ever,  things  were  changed  ;  the  participation  of  France 
in  the  straggle  made  its  risks  equally  great  with  those 
of  the  insurgents,  and  obliged  its  government  to  take 
part  in  the  conduct  of  the  war.  A  minister  pleni 
potentiary  was  accordingly  sent  to  this  country  to 
supervise  French  interests  under  this  treaty.  This 
minister  was  Conrade  Alexandre-Gerard  de  Rayneval, 
of  an  Alsatian  family,  and  for  a  time  anterior  to  this 
mission,  chief  clerk  at  Paris  in  the  Ministry  of  Foreign 
Affairs.* 

*  There  were  two  brothers  "Gerard  de  Rayneval"  in  the 
ministerial  bureau  under  the  Count  de  Vergennes  on  the  outbreak 
of  the  American  Revolution.  One,  as  above  named,  was  sent  to 
the  United  States,  and  the  other,  who  survived  him,  remained  in 
France  and  in  its  diplomatic  service  as  late  as  1802.  The  Count  de 
161 


162  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Gerard  tie  Rayneval  arrived  in  Philadelphia, 
where  the  Continental  Congress  held  its  sessions,  in 
1778  ;  he  returned  to  France  in  company  with  John 
Jay  in  1779,011  account  of  ill  health.  During  his 
sojourn  of  a  year  in  Philadelphia  he  lived  within  sixty 
paces  of  the  State  House,  where  the  Continental  Con 
gress  met,  and  its  members  daily  consulted  him.  He  had 
the  right  of  attending  the  sessions  when  it  sat  as  com 
mittee  of  the  whole  and  when  French  'relations  were 
under  discussion.  As  the  doors  of  Congress  were  closed 
to  the  public,  reporters  not  being  then  known,  Gerard 
de  Rayneval's  correspondence  with  the  French  Minis 
ter  of  Foreign  Affairs,  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  is  pecu 
liarly  interesting  and  instructive,  furnishing  as  it 
does,  together  with  that  of  the  Chevalier  de  la 
Luzerne,  his  successor,  the  most  complete  reports 
which  exist*  of  the  discussions  in  Congress  from 
1778  down  to  the  end  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 
Not  only  does  he  recount  the  doings  and  sayings  of 
Congressmen  in  and  out  of  doors,  but  his  letters  con- 


Vergennes,  in  his  official  relations  with  the  brothers  at  home,  desig 
nated  the  brother  sent  to  America  as  "  Gerard  "  and  the  other  as 
"  De  Rayneval."  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  James  Madison  dated 
January  30,  1787,  alluded  to  the  latter  (mistakenly  calling  him  a 
brother-in-law  of  Gerard),  and  it  seems  to  me  expresses  opinions 
of  him  due  to  extreme  democratic  prejudice.  Gouverneur  -Morris 
says  of  Jefferson  :  "I  think  he  does  not  form  very  just  estimates 
of  character  but  rather  assigns  too  many  to  the  humble  rank  of 
fools,  whereas  in  life  the  gradations  are  infinite  and  each  individ 
ual  has  his  peculiarities  of  fort  and  feeble." — ("  The  Diary  and 
Letters  of  Gouverneur  Morris,"  ed.  by  A.  C.  Morris.) 

*  So  stated  by  Mr.  Bancroft  as  cited  in  the  preface. 


GERARD   DE   RA  Y.\ rEVAL— 1778-1779.  163 

tain  reports  on  the  political  state  of  the  country, 
entertaining  glimpses  of  the  society  of  the  day,  and 
particularly  interesting  traits  of  prominent  men.  Ge 
rard  de  Rayneval  died  in  France  in  1790.  To  a  philo 
sophic  mind  he  united  great  tact  and  sagacity,  as 
\vcil  as  other  capacities  eminently  qualifying  him  for 
the  delicate  mission  he  had  to  fill. 

The  ship  on  which  Gerard  de  Rayneval  reached 
Philadelphia  stopped  at  Chester,  on  the  Delaware 
River,  just  below  the  city.  Four  members  of  Con 
gress,  with  Hancock  at  their  head,  waited  upon  him  on 
his  arrival,  in  his  account  of  his  reception  sent  to 
the  Count  de  Vergennes,  July  15,  he  says  : 

"  Nothing  can  equal  the  eagerness  of  members 
of  Congress  and  other  leading  men  to  call  on  me 
and  express  their  sentiments  in  relation  to  the 
alliance  and  the  steps  taken  by  the  King.  I 
fear  that  I  should  be  charged  with  exaggera 
tion  were  I  to  state  the  terms  which  the  most 
phlegmatic  employ  in  their  daily  conversation 
with  me.  They  style  the  King  '  Protector  of 
the  Rights  of  Humanity,'  which  is  always  the 
toast  in  his  honor." 

Two  members  of  Congress  brought  their  sons  to 
Chester  to  see  the  new  envoy,  to  impress  on  their 
minds  early  in  life  the  importance  and  effect  of 
sending  a  Minister  by  the  King  at  this  decisive 


164  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

moment ;   they  thought  it  well  calculated  to  fix  their 
affections  and  political  principles. 

A  discussion  arose  in  Congress  concerning  a  proper 
reception  of  the  French  Minister,  whether  the  cere 
mony  should  be  an  imposing  one,  or  a  plain,  unosten 
tatious  introduction  to  the  assembly.  Some,  mostly 
Northern  members,  preferred  the  latter  ;  others,  most 
ly  from  the  South,  wanted  more  show,  and  these  pre 
vailed.  Gerard,  consulted  as  to  court  etiquette  on 
such  occasions  in  France,  showed  his  tact  by  deferring 
to  republican  tastes,  and  suggested  the  simplest  cere 
mony  possible.  He  was  accordingly  received  in  a 
plain  manner.  On  reporting  the  proceeding  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  he  sent  with  his  letter  a  diagram 
of  Independence  Hall,  designating  on  it  where  the 
members  sat,  with  the  position  of  his  own  chair  di 
rectly  in  front  of  the  President's  desk  in  the  center  of 
the  room. 

Ten  days  after  this,  July  25,  he  gives  the  Minister 
an  idea  of  the  temper  of  Congress  : 

"  Party  spirit  exists  in  Congress  as  in  all  simi 
lar  bodies.  Questions  seem  to  arise,  however, 
only  through  the  diversity  of  principles,  or  rather 
out  of  the  different  degrees  of  ambition  of  a  few 
preponderating  members.  Some  want  constant 
rotation  in  the  leading  offices,  especially  in  Con 
gressional  membership  ;  others,  on  the  contrary, 
aim  at  securing  a  negative  vote  which  would 


GERARD   DE   RA  YNEVAL— 1778-1779.  165 

render  the  choice  of  the  different  States  subject 
to  their  will,  ensure  them  their  own  places,  and 
thereby  give  the  government  an  aristocratic  air.  . 

"  Several  leading  men  have  assured  me  that 
Congress  is  not  divided  on  the  great  objects  of 
interest  to  France,  nor  on  any  subject  which 
compromises  the  interests  of  the  United  States. 
A  faction  did  exist  in  Congress  before  our  treaty 
was  received,  all  the  more  dangerous  because 
treachery  could  not  be  imputed  to  it.  It  con 
sisted  of  ambitious  men,  but  of  little  influence. 
It  was  their  aim  to  maintain  a  sort  of  balance  of 
power,  so  that,  in  case  of  a  capitulation  with 
England,  they  would  be  ready  to  profit  by  it. 
A  Scotch  minister  named  Witherspoon,  the  only 
one  of  his  cloth  in  Congress,  was  the  soul  of  this 
party.  He  combined  two  qualities  which  seem 
incompatible  in  a  high  degree,  great  vehemence 
and  mental  suppleness.  .  .  .  Mr.  Samuel  Adams, 
who  figured  prominently  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution,  belonged  to  it  ;  but,  as  everybody  is 
satisfied  that  the  issue  of  the  quarrel  will  be 
honorable  and  substantial,  there  is  no  distrust  of 
these  men." 

"  Vegetables,  flour  and  wood  are  very    abun- 


1 66  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

dant,  and  yet  prices  are  as  high  proportionately 
as  for  sugar  and  similar  articles  which  can  be  had 
only  with  difficulty." 

This  anomaly  is  attributed  by  Gerard  to  the  readi 
ness  with  which  all  Americans  calculate,  meaning 
probably  speculate.  "  This  science,"  he  says,  "  is 
pushed  farther  here  than  anywhere  in  Europe." 

Wishing  to  make  some  public  acknowledgment  of 
the  honors  paid  to  him  on  his  arrival,  he  proposed  a 
banquet  followed  by  a  ball.  But  an  obstacle  arose 
which  stayed  proceedings  and  which  shows  the  state  of 
social  intercourse  at  this  time.  Rewrites  August  14  : 

4<  As  they  wanted  to  draw  an  absolute  line  of 
separation  between  Whigs  and  Tories,  especially 
among  the  ladies,  they  gave  me  to  understand 
that  they  would  be  obliged  to  me  if  I  would  not 
furnish  by  my  example  arms  to  either  party.  I 
regard  this  as  treating  matters  rather  seriously, 
but  they  allege  a  law  of  Congress  which  forbids 
public  entertainments.  This  law  originated  with 
the  northern  Presbyterians  at  the  time  when 
Congress  fervently  besought  the  aid  of  Heaven. 
Things  have  taken  another  turn,  and  quite  a 
number  of  senators  dance  every  week.  North 
ern  rigidity  has  become  mollified  in  contact  with 


GERARD   DE   RA  YNE  VAL— 1778-1779.  167 

Southern  sensuousncss  ;  but  there  is  still  hesita 
tion  in  repealing  the  law.  I  presume,  Mon- 
seigneur,  that  you  clo  not  object  to  knowing 
something  of  the  moral  tone  of  the  country." 

November  24,  he  communicates  more  on  this  sub 
ject  : 

"  The  Philadelphia  papers  contain  two  resolu 
tions  passed  by  Congress.  .  .  .  The  second  is  a 
renewal  of  the  request  made  by  certain  States  to 
interdict  dances,  spectacles,  and  races.  The  very 
day  this  resolution  appeared  a  public  (theatrical) 
performance,  given  by  army  officers  and  Whig 
citizens,  was  to  take  place.  The  following  day 
the  Governor  of  Philadelphia  gave  a  ball,  nu 
merously  attended.  Congress,  finding  that  its 
simple  recommendation  was  not  regarded  a  law, 
prepared  a  resolution  on  the  i6th  to  enforce  it, 
which  rendered  incapable  of  employment  every 
officer  who  should  take  part  in  or  attend  any 
spectacle.  On  the  other  hand,  Maryland,  Vir 
ginia,  and  Carolina  regard  horse-racing  as  a 
national  affair.  It  is  the  northern  members, 
called  the  Presbyterian  party,  that  delight  in 
passing  moral  laws  so  as  to  keep  their  credit  and 


1 68  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

rigor  in  full  exercise.  Such  contests  interfere 
with  important  business.  It  is  plain  to  me  that 
the  delays  which  have  occurred  since  I  came 
originate  in  these." 

The  following  item  has  interest  in  connection  with 
the  civil  service  : 

"  Congress  has  determined  to  give  its  Presi 
dent  a  salary  sufficient  for  the  usual  display 
attached  to  the  office.  A  house  is  hired  for  him, 
suitably  furnished  ;  a  butler  to  provide  for  his 
table  ;  and  he  is  furnished  with  a  carriage  and 
horses." 

Whether  this  is  owing  to  peculation,  of  which  there 
are  numerous  instances,  or  to  relieve  the  President 
of  domestic  cares,  and  give  him  more  time  to  attend 
to  public  business,  he  does  not  know. 

"  In  general,"  he  says,  alluding  to  Congress, 
"the  pay  of  its  members  is  not  in  accordance 
with  the  dignity  of  the  post.  Some  States  give 
their  representatives  very  little,  and  always  ener 
getically  dispute  their  accounts.  No  one  mem 
ber  lives  becomingly,  and  none  can  give  a  dinner 
except  at  a  tavern.  One  result  of  this  poor  pay 
is,  whenever  a  member  finds  that  his  business 


GE.RARD  DR  RAYNEVAL—\-J^-\I^.        169 


suffers,  he  leaves,  and  his  State  has  no  repre 
sentative.  The  principle  of  rotation  in  office  pro 
duces  a  similar  effect.  The  southern  members 
carry  out  this  principle,  while  the  northern  mem 
bers,  especially  from  New  England,  seldom 
change  their  delegates,  or  other  officers." 

Political  feeling  is  thus  depicted  : 

"  Everybody,  almost,  refuses  to  testify  (against 
the  insolence  of  the  Tories).  The  Quakers, 
especially,  are  accused  of  rendering  all  sorts  of 
services  to  the  English  army.  .  .  .  Scarcely  one 
quarter  of  the  ordinary  inhabitants  of  Philadel 
phia  now  here  favor  the  cause  (of  independence). 
Commercial  and  family  ties,  together  with  an 
aversion  to  popular  government,  seem  to  account 
for  this.  The  same  feeling  exists  in  New  York 
and  Boston,  which  is  not  the  case  in  the  rural 
districts,  where  the  people  are  more  '  cultivators 
than  merchants.'  " 

August  12,  the  character  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress  again  comes  up  : 

"  My  purpose  in  this  letter  is  to  picture  to 
you  the  responsibility  and  internal  composition 
of  Congress,  as  well  as  the  way  in  which  the 


1 70  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

States   are  disposed    to  regard  its  authority  and 
organization. 

"The  result  of  my  researches  goes  to  confirm 
the  idea  I  had  the  honor  of  transmitting  to  you 
on  the  credit  which  Congress  enjoys.  It  has 
succeeded  in  securing  the  entire  confidence  of 
the  State  governments  as  well  as  of  the  citizens. 
Whatever  emanates  from  it  is  received  with  a 
sort  of  veneration.  This  happy  disposition  is 
essentially  due  to  the  constant  care  it  takes  not 
to  decide  any  important  question  before  pre 
paring  the  minds  of  the  people  for  it,  and  after 
having  assured  itself  of  their  sentiments.  This 
is  also  due  to  the  unanimity  with  which  impor 
tant  affairs  are  considered  and  to  its  extreme 
deference  to  the  special  (State)  governments. 
The  rights  of  State  sovereignty  are  so  carefully 
respected  by  it  that  the  resolutions  passed  by 
some  of  the  legislative  bodies,  often  contrary  to 
the  measures  recommended  by  Congress,  do  not 
affect  the  consideration  in  which  it  is  held.  An 
example  of  this  is  found  in  the  important  ques 
tion  of  how  the  Tories  shall  be  treated.  Con 
gress  had  recommended  mild  and  legal  measures. 
Some  States,  especially  Virginia  and  the  Caro- 


GERARD   DE   RA  YXE  VAL— 1773-1779.  171 

linas,  have,  on  the  contrary,  exercised  the  most 
arbitrary  and  rigid  authority  in  this  particu 
lar.  ...  I  content  myself  now  by  observing  that 
the  heads  of  the  (State)  governments,  having  no 
distrust  and  no  suspicion  of  Congress  aiming  to 
extend  its  influence,  are  interested  in  maintain 
ing  a  consideration  for  it  by  which  they  profit  in 
turn.  This  policy  is  all  the  more  beneficial  be 
cause  the  most  esteemed  leaders  and  the  best 
heads,  which  directed  the  Revolution  at  the 
start,  have  accepted  the  highest  offices  in  their 
States,  especially  in  the  South.  The  really  labori 
ous  and  dull  lives  of  the  members  of  Congress* 
their  remoteness  from  their  own  affairs,  the  lux 
urious  habits  and  turn  of  mind,  somewhat  mon 
archical,  of  the  large  proprietors  of  the  South, 
who  have  not  organized  their  colonies  on  the 
popular  principles  of  the  North,  and  who  are 
accustomed  only  to  commanding  a  large  number 
of  slaves,  have  greatly  contributed  to  this  change 
(a  deference  to  Federal  authority) ;  but  the  per 
sonal  humor  of  these  leaders  has,  so  far,  had  no 
effect  on  the  disposition  of  their  constituents, 
who  are  still  more  concerned  than  those  of  the 
North  in  maintaining  a  rotation  in  congressional 


172  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

functions.  Since  I  came  here  three  members, 
one  from  Maryland,  one  from  Georgia,  and  one 
from  South  Carolina,  have  been  summarily  re 
moved  without  any  charge  being  preferred 
against  them,  and  these  changes  have  been 
frequent  for  some  time  past. 

11  It  is  evident  that  the  successive  admission  of 
so  large  a  number  of  individuals  into  Congress 
prevents  many  able  men  from  being  there,  men 
of  such  preponderating  influence  as  when  Con 
gress  was  first  organized.  From  this  point  of 
view  it  is  not  so  well  composed,  although  it 
contains  persons  of  great  merit.  But  I  do  not 
know  whether,  stopping  at  general  results,  its 
actual  state  is  not  preferable,  as  this  contributes, 
in  effect,  to  a  maintenance  of  the  confidence 
which  the  slightest  jealousy  or  distrust  would 
soon  impair.  It  shapes  a  large  body  of  subjects 
imbued  with  the  principles  peculiar  to  the 
common  Constitution  of  the  American  republic, 
principles  readily  finding  their  way  into  minds 
disciplined  by  other  habits  and  in  which  old  prej 
udices  are  often  confounded  with  the  current 
axioms  of  the  day.  A  very  great  advantage  is 
that  Congress  is  kept  dependent  on  the  people, 


GERARD  DE  RAYNEVAL-\^~\TI^.        173 

better  preserves  its  general  spirit,  and  is  never  in 
a  condition  to  abuse  its  power.  An  equivocal 
expression  escaping  in  debate  suffices  for  the  im 
mediate  revocation  of  a  member;  in  multiplying 
this  danger  by  the  petty  intrigues  of  personal 
jealousy,  of  which  the  best  accredited  are  not 
found  exempt  after  a  too  prolonged  absence 
from  their  States,  the  ambition  of  private  per 
sons  and  of  public  bodies  is  thus  apparently 
restrained  by  a  powerful  curb." 

Following  this  sagacious  comment  there  are  other 
remarks  on  questions  which  divide  northern  and 
southern  sentiment  ;  and  the  letter  concludes  with 
this  statement,  which  will  again  serve  our  purpose 
further  on  : 

"  Another  question  which  has  warmly  divided 
Congress  is  the  rivalry  between  Generals  Wash 
ington  and  Gates.  The  division  is  almost  that 
between  the  southern  and  northern  States ; 
the  former  support  Washington,  who  is  a  Vir 
ginian.  This  general,  whose  conduct  seems  to 
have  merited  the  esteem  of  Europe,  and  who 
couples  virtues  with  talents,  has  been  vigorously 
attacked  with  all  the  arms  that  onvy  can  supply. 
The  split  was  getting  to  be  dangjrous.  The 


174  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

evacuation  of  Philadelphia  and  the  battle  of 
Monmouth  decided  the  question,  and  the  parti 
sans  of  General  Gates  are  reduced  to  silence. 
Fears,  however,  are  entertained  that  the  proud 
spirit  of  the  latter  may  manifest  itself  on  the 
junction  of  the  two  armies.  Thus  far,  all  has 
passed  off  well  between  the  two  generals." 

The  foregoing  estimate  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress  on  its  good  side  is  followed,  in  another  letter 
of  the  same  date,  by  an  estimate  of  it  on  its  weak 
side  ;  the  former  is  u  le  Congres  en  beau"  and  the 
other  "  les  Vices  Jit  COUSTCS" 


•••• 


"  I  have  thus  far  depicted  the  good  side  of 
Congress,  because  I  have  taken  the  point  of  view 
of  its  attachment  to  independence  and  to  the 
alliance,  which  is  the  most  important  point  for 
us.  But  it  is  now  time  that  you  should  know  it 
as  well  on  its  feeble  side,  so  as  to  appreciate  it 
as  a  whole.  Most  of  the  members  who  sit  in 
Congress  owe  their  places  to  their  zeal  for  the 
American  cause,  as  it  is  commonly  called.  But 
little  attention,  however,  has  been  paid  to  the 
talents  that  are  requisite  for  the  enormous  labor 
which  every  branch  of  the  Administration  de 
mands,  and  which  Congress  manages  exclusively. 


GERARD  DE   RAYNEVAL—i-j^-i^g.  175 


In  some  departments  there  is  not  a  member  who 
is  familiar  with  their  details.  If  one  member 
happens  to  be  more  conspicuous  than  another  on 
account  of  his  intelligence,  private  jealousy  and 
the  principle  of  anticipating  personal  ascendency 
throw  him  in  the  background.  A  competent 
merchant  on  the  Committee  on  Commerce  is 
transferred  to  that  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  again 
displaced  because  he  is  suspected  of  making 
money  out  of  secret  information.  There  are 
many  colonels  and  generals  in  Congress,  but 
none  are  employed  on  the  war  committees.  The 
result  is,  Monseigneur,  the  Administration  is  ex 
tremely  backward  at  all  points  wherever  a  fixed 
system  and  regularity  in  details  are  essential. 
The  arrangements  for  the  organization,  recruit 
ing,  and  regular  service  of  the  Continental  troops 
remain  in  suspense,  as  well  as  a  number  of  other 
matters.  The  finances,  especially,  suffer  a  great 
deal.  .  .  .  Congress  is  the  universal  merchant 
and  provider.  You  can  appreciate  the  effect  of 
a  lack  of  order  in  such  an  immensely  important 
detail,  the  accompanying  loss  and  inconvenience, 
especially  when  you  consider  that,  by  this  course, 
it  enters  into  competition  with  private  mer- 


I76  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

chants,   who   can   not   be  forced   to  provide   the 
State  with  the  goods  it  needs. 

"I  am  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  add,  Mon- 
seigneur,  that  personal  disinterestedness  and 
pecuniary  integrity  have  shed  no  lustre  on  the 
birth  of  the  American  republic.  All  its  agents 
have  derived  exorbitant  profits  from  manufact 
ures.  A  selfish  and  calculating  spirit  is  wide 
spread  in  this  land,  and  although  I  can  well  see 
that  limits  are  put  to  its  extension,  there  is  no 
condemnation  of  the  sentiment.  Mercantile 
cupidity  forms,  perhaps,  one  of  the  distinctive 
traits  of  the  American,  especially  of  the  northern 
people,  and  it  will  undoubtedly  exercise  an 
important  influence  on  the  future  destiny  of  the 
Republic." 

The  attentive  observer  of  our  legislation  for  the 
past  forty  years  may  decide  for  himself  whether  this 
is  not  prophetic  language.  The  writer  continues  to 
comment  on  those  evils  "  which  have  existed  since 
the  republic  began,  and  more  than  once  imperiled 
its  safety."  In  this  connection  he  says  : 

"  If  the  English  had  shown  themselves,  in 
America,  one-half  as  energetic,  confident,  and 
courageous  as  they  had  only  too  often  shown 


GERARD  DE  ^FA^T^Z— 1778-1779.         177 

themselves    elsewhere,   they    would    have  found 
very  little  resistance. 

"  The  more  apparent  this  contrast  is  here,  the 
plainer  does  the  hand  of  God  appear  in  this 
event ;  had  it  not  been  for  the  generous  part 
taken  by  the  King  (Louis  XVI.)  at  the  decisive 
moment,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
resources  of  the  country  would  not  have  sufficed 
for  obtaining  its  independence." 

How  true  this  observation  is  will  be  shown  fur 
ther  on. 

In  December  following  (1778)  the  authorities  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  gave  a  grand  banquet  on  the 
occasion  of  electing  a  new  President  of  the  Executive 
Council.  Gerard  de  Rayneval  reports  of  this  as  fol 
lows  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  : 

"  No  greater  manifestation  of  sensibility  and 
delight  could  be  made  than  was  shown  by  this 
assemblage  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons 
every  time  an  allusion  was  made  to  France  and 
the  alliance.  When  the  health  of  the  King  was 
proposed  every  room  rung  with  cheers  and 
hurrahs.  General  Reed,  the  new  President,  hav 
ing  shown  to  those  near  him  the  portrait  of  the 
King  which  His  Majesty  deigned  to  present  to 


178  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

me  on  my  departure,  everybody  desired  to  see  it. 
The  box  made  the  tour  of  the  tables,  each  send 
ing  a  guest  to  thank  me  and  to  testify  to  the 
pleasure  with  which  they  had  regarded  the  feat 
ures  of  a  monarch,  Protector  of  Humanity  and 
the  best  friend  the  States  could  possess.  I  do 
not  exaggerate,  Monseigneur,  in  this  account. 
The  transports  of  welcome  regarding  everything 
which  concerns  France  satisfy  me  more  and 
more  that  everybody  in  office,  as  well  as  all  who 
are  able  to  think  on  the  subject,  feel  in  spite  of 
national  prejudices  the  full  value  of  the  friend 
ship  and  proceedings  of  His  Majesty." 

One  of  the  most  interesting  letters  of  Gerard  de 
Rayneval  is  that  on  the  Quakers,  dated  September 
1 8,  1778  : 

"  The  following  details  in  regard  to  the 
Quakers,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  to 
you,  are  of  a  mixed  character. 

"At  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  when  the 
colonies  rebelled  against  the  (English)  project  of 
deriving  a  revenue  from  America,  the  Quakers 
had  the  most  influence  in  the  government  of 
Pennsylvania.  With  one  exception,  all  agreed  to 
defend  by  force  of  arms  the  exemption  from 


GERARD  DE  RA  YNEVAL— 1778-1779.  1 79 

every  tax.  Previous  to  this  they  had  voted  for 
the  war  against  the  Indians,  and  when  the  ques 
tion  of  independence  came  up,  the  Quakers 
opposed  it  with  all  their  might.  Steps  were  then 
taken  to  excite  the  English  and  German  popula 
tion  of  the  remoter  sections  of  the  colony,  and 
Pennsylvania  fell  in  with  the  sentiments  of  the 
other  colonies.  Upon  this  the  Quakers  made  an 
outcry  against  war  taxes,  which  placed  them  in 
such  contradiction  with  themselves  as  to  increase 
their  discredit. 

"  During  the  occupation  of  Philadelphia  by 
the  English,  proofs  were  obtained  of  the  services 
rendered  to  them  by  the  Quakers  ;  some  of  these 
were  caught  acting  as  spies,  and,  as  it  has  been 
thus  far  the  mistaken  policy  of  the  fraternity  to 
support  all  individuals  belonging  to  it,  the  odium 
and  blame  of  this  have  reacted  against  the  whole 
body.  This  devotedness  did  not  preserve  them 
from  the  exactions  of  the  English,  who  disposed 
of  whatever  suited  them,  even  of  the  furniture 
inside  their  houses.  The  Quakers  furnished 
General  Howe  with  money  to  redeem  them 
selves,  notwithstanding  which  their  houses  and 
gardens  in  Philadelphia  were  destroyed  ;  a  prom- 


l8o  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

inent  man  among  them,  who  had  given  a  con 
siderable  sum  to  Lord  Howe,  publicly  reproached 
him,  and  declared  that  he  would  follow  him 
wherever  he  went  to  recover  the  value  of  his 
dwelling. 

u  These  barbarous  proceedings,  which  have 
made  more  Whigs  in  America  than  there  are 
Tories  now,  have  not  had  the  same  effect  on  the 
Quakers.  You  will  remember,  Monseigneur,  a 
document  full  of  a  kind  of  arrogance  which  they 
had  circulated  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania, 
where  they  no  longer  are  representatives.  The 
only  result  was  the  indignation  and  contempt  of 
the  Whigs:  but  real  or  affected  sentiment  has  no 
shame,  and  they  rather  borrowed  glory  from  this 
on  the  ground  of  persecution.  The  feeling,  how 
ever,  did  not  last,  and  when  the  news  came  of 
the  evacuation  of  New  York  (taken  by  the  Brit 
ish),  it  was  believed  that,  through  secret  intelli 
gence,  they  were  aware  of  it,  and,  afterward,  that 
they  would  try  to  make  up  with  the  actual 
Government.  The  President  of  Congress  notified 
me  that  they  \vould  confer  with  me.  They 
sounded  him  beforehand,  and  several  deputations 
waited  upon  him,  who  confined  themselves  to 


GERA  RD   DE   RA  YNE  VA L—  1 778-1 779.  1 8 1 

recommending  private  matters.  They  went 
further  with  me.  I  will  relate,  Monseigneur, 
how  this  embassy  was  prepared  and  carried 
out. 

"  Only  the  Quakers  possessed  any  merchan 
dise  ;  they  had  bought  it  at  low  prices  of  the 
English,  at  the  time  of  the  evacuation  (of  Phila 
delphia),  and  re-sold  it  very  dear.  This  furnished 
me  with  opportunities  to  have  relations  with 
many  of  them,  and  the  desire  to  judge  for  myself 
of  the  actual  state  of  such  a  celebrated  sect  led 
me  into  conversations  with  them,  which  turned 
only  on  general  matters  relating  to  their  sect  and 
principles.  One  day,  one  of  them  bluntly  said 
tome:  'Thee  hast  a  good  deal  of  trouble  in 
finding  furniture.  Come  into  our  houses  and 
select  what  thce  likes  ;  thee  wilt  then  address 
thyself  to  Congress,  and  Congress  will  take  from 
us  to  give  to  thce  at  any  price  thee  pleases.'  I 
felt  the  full  force  of  this  rejoinder.  I  asked  him 
why  he  did  not  pay  voluntarily.  'Our  religion 
forbids  us,'  he  replied.  '  I  fear  then,'  said  I  in 
return,  '  that,  as  people  accuse  you,  you  have  an 
easy  conscience  when  called  upon  to  pay  money 
and  to  concern  yourselves  for  things  not  to  your 


1 82  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

taste;  and  that  a  religion  which  has  no  other 
public  influence  in  society  than  to  produce  avar 
ice  and  an  inordinate  love  of  ease  and  indolence 
must  strike  enlightened  people  as  a  mask  for 
hypocrisy/  I  manifested  a  desire  to  have  this 
doubt  cleared  up.  This  led  to  a  discussion, 
which  ended  by  the  Quaker  telling  me  that  he 
would  bring  me  a  person  who  knew  more  than 
himself,  able  to  solve  my  doubts,  and  with  whom 
I  could  explain  myself  in  French.  The  name  of 
this  person  is  Benezet,  son  of  a  French  refugee, 
who  has  turned  Quaker,  and  who  is  a  man  of 
intelligence  and  learning.  He  prepared  me  for 
the  mission  by  sending  me  one  of  the  brethren, 
who  praised  highly  the  merit  and  virtues  of  this 
sort  of  patriarch. 

"  Finally  he  came,  and  we  had  several  con 
versations  on  the  history,  principles,  and  career 
of  his  sect.  It  was  only  at  our  last  interview, 
two  days  ago,  that  he  at  last  declared,  yielding 
to  my  arguments,  that,  agreeing  with  most  of  the 
fraternity,  he  thought  that  the  Quakers  ought  to 
submit  to  the  actual  government  and  pay  taxes, 
without  questioning  the  use  to  which  these  might 
be  put ;  but  that  they  had  weak  brethren  among 


GERARD  DE  RAYNEVAL—\^-\-]i^.  183 

them,  whose  scruples  they  were  obliged  to 
respect.  I  made  him  sensible  of  the  dangers  of 
this  mistaken  policy,  one  which  involved  a  loss 
of  public  esteem  universally,  and  warranted  the 
distrust  and  rigorous  measures  of  the  govern 
ment.  I  remarked  to  him  that  since  they  had 
been  able  to  secure  the  confidence  of  the  English 
administration,  the  principles  of  which  differed 
so  much  from  their  own,  it  would  be  easy  to 
come  to  terms  with  a  government  tolerant  in 
principles  and  which  would  not  persecute  them 
when  once  combined  with  it.  Sieur  Benezet 
seemed  to  have  resolved  to  expound  these 
truths  ;  he  ended  by  begging  me  to  favor  the 
fraternity,  and  especially  to  exercise  my  good 
offices  in  behalf  of  some  Mennonites  affiliated 
with  them,  who  had  been  imprisoned  and  fined  for 
not  taking  up  arms.  I  replied  that  it  was  not  in 
my  mission  to  arrest  the  energies  of  the  Ameri 
can  government,  and  that  when  the  Quakers  had 
performed  their  duties  they  would  no  longer  be 
in  fear  of  persecution. 

"  The  President  of  Congress  expressed  his  best 
thanks  to  me  for  the  way  in  which  I  had  con 
ducted  this  affair,  and  begged  me  to  treat  the 


1 84  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

ulterior  demands  of  the  Quakers  in  the  same 
fashion." 

Subsequently,  May  16,  1779,  he  says  : 

"  The  Quakers  keep  constantly  asking  me  to 
mediate  in  their  behalf  and  to  give  them  advice. 
I  have  confined  myself  to  recommending  them  to 
again  become  citizens  and  to  resume  their  place 
in  the  republic.  They  begin  to  realize  the 
illusion  of  their  expectations,  and  there  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that,  whatever  the  result  of  the 
campaign  may  be,  the  sect  will  submit.  This 
would  be  of  great  advantage  to  the  United 
States,  because  the  number,  wealth,  and  con 
sideration  of  the  Quakers,  alone  of  itself,  give 
standing  to  the  Tory  party.  Congress,  to  which 
I  report  the  requests  of  the  Quakers,  is  satisfied 
with  my  conduct  and  with  my  replies  to  them." 

It  seems,  however,  that  the  Quakers  did  not  sub 
mit.  Six  months  later,  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  who 
had  succeeded  Gerard  de  Rayneval,  reports  (Novem 
ber  26,  1780),  that  Pennsylvania  is  making  every 
effort  to  maintain  its  army  contingent  by  suitable 
taxation,  but  that  the  Quakers,  together  with  other 
religious  bodies,  obstruct  their  efforts. 

"  Their  head  men,  questioned  at  the  bar  of  the 
Assembly,  replied  in  the  most  equivocal  manner. 


GERARD   DE   RA  KV£FW  £—1778-1779.  185 

Among  other  questions  put  to  them  was  this 
one,  '  Do  you  recognize  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  of  this  State  as  legitimately  endowed 
with  legislative  power  and  the  Council  with 
executive  power?'  To  this  question  they  an 
swered  :  '  We  believe  that  the  Legislature  and 
magistrates,  who  act  in  fear  and  honor,  are 
entitled  to  respect  and  obedience,  and  that  it  is 
our  duty  to  live  peaceably  and  honorably.'  It 
was  impossible  throughout  this  interrogatory  to 
draw  them  out  of  this  antphibologie.  One  of 
them  called  on  me  afterwards,  and  I  made  him 
ashamed  of  such  affectation.  He  admitted  that 
I  was  right,  for  he  disliked  disputes,  but  he  did 
not  alter  his  course." 

May  4,  1781,  Luzerne  writes  : 

"  The  Quakers,  whose  numbers  diminish  daily 
in  Pennsylvania  and  throughout  the  thirteen 
States,  have  imagined  for  many  years  that  the 
Indians  could  be  made  to  supply  the  deficiency 
in  their  numbers,  several  tribes  of  which  have 
been  converted  to  their  religious  and  pacific 
ideas,  the  Iroquois,  the  Minnisinks,  and  the 
Delawares.  The  only  effect  of  preaching  this 


1 86  CORRF:SPONDENCE  OF 

morale  to  the  Indians  has  been  to  diminish  the 
number  aiding  the  English.  All  the  Quakers  in 
Philadelphia  who  have  taken  up  arms,  or  volun 
tarily  paid  war  taxes,  have  been  excommuni 
cated  ;  these,  increasing  in  number,  declare 
themselves  loyal." 

Gerard  has  an  interview  with  a  deputation  of  the 
Delaware  tribe  of  Indians,  of  which  he  gives  the 
following  account,  under  date  of  June  4,  1779.  The 
Delawares  complained  of  the  non-fulfillment  of 
treaties;  the  chief,  "  Capt.  Kilbuck,"  exposing  his 
griefs  with  admirable  force  and  dexterity,  said  : 

"  You  have  made  baneful  presents  to  us  in 
making  us  familiar  with  the  value  of  gold  and 
silver,  and  in  giving  us  strong  drink.  Gold  and 
silver  have  made  a  people  poor  who  lacked 
nothing,  and  you  have  made  them  contract 
wants  which  it  is  just  that  you  should  satisfy. 
Strong  drink  has  made  us  weak,  but  we  still  have 
virtue  enough  left  to  enable  us  to  do  without  it. 
We  have  seen  the  sincerity  of  the  French  friend 
ship  in  not  giving  it  to  us  notwithstanding  the 
profit  they  might  have  derived  from  its  com 
merce.  But  it  is  a  vice  of  the  individual  and 
not  of  the  nation." 


GERARD   DE   RA  YNEVAL— 1778-1779.  187 

Alluding  to  William  Penn,  they  referred  to  old 
treaties  with  him,  and  said  that  u  their  o\vn  traditions 
were  more  reliable  than  the  writings  drawn  up  by 
interested  parties." 

Gerard  animadverts  on  duelling.  He  writes  under 
date  of  January  17,  1779  : 

"  The  rage  for  duelling  here  has  reached  an 
incredible  and  scandalous  point.  No  repression 
of  such  a  pernicious  spirit  is  even  thought  of. 
This  license  is  regarded  as  the  appanage  of 
liberty.  Fortunately,  in  these  combats  nothing 
but  the  priming  is  burnt.  Out  of  eight  or  nine 
duels  which  have  occurred  in  the  last  few  weeks, 
only  one  shot  took  effect  in  the  coat  of  General 
Lee,  who  fought  Colonel  Laurens,  son  of  the 
ex-president  (of  Congress),  on  account  of  the 
General's  statements  in  relation  to  his  condemna 
tion.  A  senator,  made  to  descend  from  his  seat 
where  he  exercises  sovereign  authority,  is  led  to 
the  battle-field  and  forced  to  risk  his  life  in  sup 
port  of  a  suffrage  dictated  by  duty  !  If  this  is 
freedom,  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  is  not  for 
those  who  hold  office." 

During  this  year,  1778,  Arthur  Lee  and  Ralph 
Izard,  then  in  Europe,  send  letters  home  filled  with 
ridiculous  charges  against  Franklin,  which  circulate 


1 88  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

among  members  of  Congress  and  do  mischief.  Gerard 
writes  thus  under  date  of  October  17: 

"  I  told  those  who  mentioned  these  charges 
to  me  that,  following  the  example  of  the  chil 
dren  of  Noah,  one  half  of  Congress  should  strip 
off  its  clothes  and  cover  up  his  faults." 

The  following  observation,  in  relation  to  the  polit 
ical  action  of  States  as  well  as  of  individuals,  helps  ex 
plain  the  Toryism  of  the  epoch.  Writing  December 
4,  1778,  Gerard  says  : 

u  It  seems  to  me  that  the  Americans  were  not 
ripe,  if  I  may  use  this  expression,  for  popular 
government.  They  were  too  much  accustomed 
to  the  distinctions  of  authority,  rank,  honors, 
birth,  and  of  wealth,  for  the  class  of  citizens  who 
enjoyed  these  advantages  to  willingly  confound 
themselves  with  the  masses.  We  accordingly 
see  that  the  most  democratic  of  the  (state)  gov 
ernments  have  yielded  to  this  penchant.  The 
people  of  Massachusetts,  among  others,  already 
fear  that  they  have  entrusted  their  governments 
and  councils  with  too  much  power ;  however 
this  may  be,  it  appears  still  very  doubtful 
whether  popular  principles  will  prevail  and  purge 
constitutions  of  this  tinge  of  aristocracy." 


GERARD   DE   A^  F.V£FWZ— 1778-1779.  189 

De  Rayneval's  first  interview  with  Washington,  who 
came  to  Philadelphia  to  arrange  the  campaign  for  the 
following  year,  is  recorded  under  date  of  December 
25<  1778  : 

44  General  Washington  arrived  a  few  days  ago, 
amidst  public  acclamations.  I  have  had  repeated 
conversations  with  him.  It  is  impossible  to  ex 
press  one's  self  in  better  terms  on  the  alliance, 
and  the  gratitude  due  to  His  Majesty,  who  is 
called  their  benefactor.  .  .  .  Washington  seems 
to  deserve,  as  a  man  and  a  citizen,  as  much  praise 
as  for  his  military  talent." 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  July  4,  1779,  Gerard  orders  a  Te  Dcum  sung  in 
the  Catholic  church.  In  his  reports  on  the  anti-patri 
otic  sentiments  of  various  sectarians  he  does  not 
overlook  those  of  his  own  religion. 

"  It  is  the  first  ceremony  of  the  kind  in  the 
thirteen  States,  and  it  is  thought  that  the  e"clat 
of  it  will  have  a  beneficial  effect  on  the  Catholics, 
many  of  whom  are  suspected  of  not  being  very 
much  attached  to  the  American  cause.  My  chap 
lain  delivered  a  short  address  which  has  obtained 
general  approbation,  and  which  Congress  has  de 
manded  for  publication." 


*96  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

The  correspondence  of  Gerard  de  Rayneval  fur 
nishes  interesting  information  about  men  who  played 
secondary  parts  in  the  revolutionary  drama,  but  who 
were  not  the  less  valuable  agents  in  achieving  the  in 
dependence  of  the  country.  One  of  these  was  Dr. 
Cooper,  a  clergyman  at  Boston,  friend  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  and  "one  of  the  best  speakers  in  Massachusetts." 
Dr.  Cooper  had  voluntarily  published  several  articles 
in  defense  of  Count  d'Estaing,  against  whom,  as  well 
as  against  the  French  generally,  General  Sullivan  had 
excited  public  sentiment  in  New  England.  Pleased 
with  these  articles,  Gerard  sent  his  acknowledgments 
to  Dr.  Cooper  and  engaged  a  mutual  friend  to  pro 
pose  to  him  to  exercise  his  talents  further  in  the  same 
direction.  The  Doctor  accepted  the  proposal.  Gerard 
accordingly  gave  him  a  regular  salary  for  this  service, 
"as  indemnity  for  his  losses  in  the  common  cause,  as 
well  as  to  enable  him  to  employ  a  vicar,  so  that  he 
might  give  himself  up  wholly  to  the  work  he  under 
took."  General  Sullivan  himself,  made  sensible  of 
his  error  in  fostering  bad  feeling  against  the  French, 
is  brought  over  and  likewise  paid  for  his  services.  He 
proves  to  be  one  of  the  most  energetic  and  successful 
of  Gerard's  American  supporters,  both  in  Congress 
and  in  relation  to  the  army.  Another  of  these  agents 
is  Tom  Paine,  of  whom  mention  is  made  elsewhere. 

We  now  reach  the  most  remarkable  political  event 
of  the  war,  of  which  American  historians  say  little, 
the  Cabal  against  Washington,  carried  on  mainly  in 
Congress  the  first  half  of  the  year  1778.  It  is  some- 


GERARD   DE   AV2  FAr£/>r^Z— 1778-1779.  *9l 

times  called  the  "  Conway  Cabal,"  but  not  correctly. 
Conway  was  a  mere  tool  in  the  matter,  and,  his 
torically,  he  serves  as  a  scapegoat  for  more  prominent 
personages.  Washington,  so  far,  had  not  been  suc 
cessful,  the  situation  and  sufferings  of  the  army  at 
Valley  Forge  being  the  result  of  the  Revolution 
iij)  to  that  time.  American  affairs  were  desperate. 
General  Gates,  the  year  before,  1777,  had  won  the 
battle  of  Saratoga,  which  gave  him  some  prestige 
as  a  military  commander.  Steps,  accordingly,  were 
taken  to  displace  Washington  and  put  Gates  at  the 
head  of  the  army.  Hiidreth  says  :  "  While  Washing 
ton  was  exerting  himself  to  the  utmost  to  preserve 
the  army  from  total  disorganization,  a  project  was  on 
foot  to  remove  him  from  the  chief  command.  Several 
persons  conspicuous  in  Congress  and  the  army  were 
more  or  less  concerned  in  this  movement,  but  most 
of  the  information  respecting  it  has  been  carefully 
suppressed,  and  its  history  is  involved  in  some  ob 
scurity.  Every  biographer  has  been  anxious  to  shield 
his  special  hero  from  the  charge  of  participation  in 
this  affair."  This  party  ascribed  to  Washington  "  a 
lack  of  vigor  and  energy,  and  a  system  of  favoritism 
deleterious  to  the  public  service."  Washington's 
successes  in  New  Jersey,  with  the  French  alliance, 
put  an  end  to  the  Cabal  as  far  as  the  displacement  of 
Washington  was  concerned.  But  the  Cabal,  notwith 
standing,  was  kept  up  for  a  long  time.  Its  subse 
quent  existence  is  either  openly  or  covertly  manifest 
in  a  steady  opposition  by  certain  members  of  Con- 


1 9*  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

gress,  with  their  supporters  outside  of  Congress,  to 
Washington's  military  supremacy,  as  well  as  in  the 
persistency  with  which,  in  all  discussions  of  measures 
in  which  the  French  Minister  had  a  voice,  the  accept 
ance  of  them  was  more  or  less  thwarted.  The  speeches 
and  votes  in  Congress  reported  by  Gerard  de  Ray- 
neval  and  Luzerne  bear  witness  to  this  spirit. 
With  reference  to  the  Cabal  Lafayette  says  : 

"  At  Yorktown,  behind  the  Susquehanna  (to 
which  place  Congress  retreated  on  the  capture  of 
Philadelphia  in  1777),  Congress  was  split  into 
two  factions,  which,  in  spite  of  their  distinction 
as  Eastern  and  Southern,  contained,  neverthe 
less,  members  from  each  of  the  States.  Instead 
of  obeying  their  constituents,  these  members 
carried  out  their  own  intrigues.  Many  who  had 
acted  impartially  had  withdrawn,  while  some  of 
the  States  were  not  represented  at  all,  or  had 
onlyr  one  representative." 

"  Gates  was  at  Yorktown.  Through  the 
tone  he  assumed,  his  promises,  and  his  Euro 
pean  acquaintances,  he  made  himself  important. 
Among  the  members  who  joined  in  with  him, 
the  Lees  (Virginians)  and  the  two  Adamses  were 
the  most  prominent.  Mifflin,  quartermaster- 
general,  helped  them  with  his  talents  and  brill- 


GERA  RD   DE   RA  YNE  VA  L— 1 7  7  8- 1 7  79 .  193 

iant  eloquence.  They  required  a  victim,  and 
they  adopted  Comvay,  who  imagined  himself  the 
head  of  a  party.  To  laud  Gates  was,  in  some 
places  and  among  some  of  the  troops,  an  op 
portunity  for  self-boasting.  The  people  follow 
.successful  generals,  and  the  commander-in-chief 
(Washington)  had  not  been  so.  He  personally 
inspired  respect,  and  even  affection  ;  but  his  best 
friends,  Greene,  Hamilton,  and  Knox,  were  de 
cried.  The  Tories  fomented  this  disposition. 
The  presidency  of  the  War  Committee,  created 
for  Gates,  restricted  the  General's  powers.  This 
was  not  the  only  discouragement.  A  Congres 
sional  committee  arrived  at  the  camp  and  pre- 
s'.imed  to  suggest  an  attack  on  Philadelphia." 

Efforts    were    made    to    have     Lafayette    join    this 

party. 

"  Attached  to  the  General,  and  still  more  to 
the  cause,  I  did  not  hesitate,  but  held  to  him 
whose  ruin  was  anticipated.  .  .  .  '  I  did  not  seek 
this  position,'  said  Washington  to  me,  '  but  if 
the  people  are  dissatisfied  with  me  I  will  resign. 
Until  that  moment  comes  I  will  resist  intrigue.'  "* 


*   "  Memoires,   Correspondence  et    Manuscrits  du    General  La 
fayette,  publics  par  sa  famille,"  vol.  i,  p.  21. 


194  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

These  two  parties,  into  which  Congress  was  divid 
ed,  may  be  better  styled  a  national  party  and  a 
state-rights  party.  Debates  between  them  were  acri 
monious,  and  the  effect  of  these  was  a  certain  paraly 
sis  of  both  the  diplomatic  and  military  genius  of  the 
country.  The  representatives  of  the  national  party 
were  Washington,  Franklin,  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  Rob 
ert  Morris,  Madison,  the  two  Livingstons,  and  the 
Virginian  statesmen  generally  ;  while  the  leaders  of 
the  state-rights  party  were  John  Adams,  Samuel 
Adams,  and,  exceptionally  among  the  Virginians, 
Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Arthur  Lee.  Owing  to  the 
joint  action  of  the  Adamses  and  the  Lees,  whose  States 
were  most  influential  in  the  confederacy,  on  account 
of  their  population  and  superior  resources,  they  domi 
nated  largely  in  Congress.  These  men,  in  addition  to 
their  devotion  to  the  interests  of  their  own  States, 
cherished  certain  English  sympathies  and  were 
strongly  anti-French,  because  the  French,  naturally 
relying  on  the  collective  power  of  the  States,  would 
not  favor  any  policy  which  seemed  to  undermine  this. 
To  enable  the  reader  to  appreciate  the  conduct  of  this 
party,  which  the  following  extracts  from  the  French 
ministers'  correspondence  fully  explain,  it  is  neces 
sary  to  glance  briefly  at  the  prominent  questions  be 
fore  Congress  during  the  war,  in  the  disposal  of 
which  the  French  minister  had  to  be  consulted. 

The  Fishery  question  (still  a  bone  of  contention  in 
these  days)  was  a  very  important  one  at  this  time 
to  New  England.  The  other  States  thought  it  was 


GERARD   DE   RA  YNEVAL— 1778-1779.  195 

pushed  too  far.      Gerard   de    Rayneval    writes,   May 
i4i  1779  : 

"  Whatever  opinions  on  the  subject  the  pres 
ent  members  of  Congress  may  entertain,  nine, 
and  perhaps  ten,  of  the  States  will  refuse  to  con 
tinue  the  war  for  this  necessary  advantage  to 
New  England,  which  offers  no  reciprocity  of 
interests." 

Certain  members  of  Congress  from  other  States 
show  him  the  letters  received  by  them  from  their  con 
stituents,  in  which  the  idea  of  treating  the  Fishery 
question  to  suit  New  England  is  rejected  with 
warmth  and  indignation  ;  while  the  Eastern  people 
are  not  disposed  to  regard  the  matter  mildly. 

The  Invasion  of  Canada,  coupled  with  the  posses 
sion  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Newfoundland,  is  another 
question  on  which  the  New  England  representatives 
in  Congress  lay  great  stress.  Washington,  in  an  able 
and  practical  report,  treating  the  question  on  its 
military  merits,  decides  against  it,  which  settles  the 
point  for  a  time.  Subsequently  he  is  disposed  to 
favor  an  attack  on  Canada,  to  keep  the  army  em 
ployed  ;  but  the  French  refuse  to  participate,  on  the 
ground  that  the  French  government  simply  under 
took  to  free  the  original  thirteen  States,  and  not  make 
fresh  conquests  for  them. 

The  effort  to  bring  Spain  into  the  alliance,  con 
sidered  so  important  in  Paris,  and  which  involved 


196  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

complicated  boundary  questions,  was  another  ques 
tion  which  seriously  disturbed  Congress,  and  gave 
rise  to  a  great  deal  of  worrying  discussion. 

To  the  Cabal  against  Washington,  more  or  less 
active  on  account  of  these  questions,  must  be  added 
one  against  Franklin.  Both  were  largely  rendered 
abortive  by  the  diplomatic  skill  of  Gerard  de  Rayne- 
val  in  America,  and  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes  in 
Paris.  Louis  XVI.  and  his  minister  had  implicit 
confidence  in  the  integrity  of  Washington  and  Frank 
lin,  and  regarded  them  as  the  real  representatives  of 
the  moral  and  material  forces  of  the  country,  and 
therefore  desired  to  maintain  them  in  their  respective 
positions. 

The  frequent  agitation  of  peace  was  the  most  se 
rious  of  all  these  questions.  It  continued  to  be  a 
thorny  matter  down  to  and  after  the  capitulation  of 
Cornwallis.  England  tried  repeatedly  to  negotiate 
for  peace  directly  and  indirectly,  both  in  Paris  *  and 
in  America,  openly  appointing  commissioners  for 
the  purpose  as  well  as  secretly  authorizing  individ 
ual  agents.  There  is  no  doubt  that  many  in  America 
apart  from  the  Tories  were  anxious  for  peace  with  a 
view  to  future  commercial  and  social  relations  with 
England  :  and  there  is  equally  no  doubt  that  the 
chief  political  leaders  of  New  England  were  not  dis 
posed  to  consult  French  interests  in  that  event  when 
the  time  for  it  should  arrive.  Such  were  the  princi 
pal  questions  which  agitated  Congress  in  a  way  to 

*  See  Appendix  III. 


GERARD  DE   RAYNEVAL—iyjZ-inq.  197 

excite  the  fears  of  the  French  envoys  and  keep  them 
watchful  of  the  debates. 

As  early  as  December  6,  1778,  Gerard  wiites  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  that  he  suspects  a  Mr.  Temple, 
who  had  made  his  appearance  in  Philadelphia  with 
letters  of  introduction  from  parties  in  the  State  of 
Massachusetts,  of  being  a  British  emissary  or  spy 
sent  to  the  United  States  to  sow  distrust  of  France, 
and  to  effect  a  separate  reconciliation  with  England. 
Henry  Laurens,  at  that  time  president  of  Congress, 
assures  him  that  Temple  will  be  sent  off,  and  that 
Samuel  Adams  himself,  notwithstanding  a  warm  per 
sonal  interest  in  Temple,  is  in  favor  of  his  dismissal. 
Richard  Henry  Lee  pretended  that  the  United 
States  had  a  right  to  treat  independently  with  Eng 
land. 

"  Members  of  Congress  have  assured  me,"  says 
Gerard  de  Rayneval,  "  that  Lee's  assertion  was 
received  with  contempt  and  indignation.  A  plu 
rality  of  the  members  of  his  own  State  and  of 
those  from  Massachusetts,  in  spite  of  the  influ 
ence  of  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  thought  with  Con 
gress  that  such  a  principle  would  be  a  manifest 
infraction  of  the  alliance  and  a  lasting  dishonor 
to  the  United  States.  .  .  .  All  the  delegates  .  .  . 
affirmed  to  me  that  not  two  men  in  Congress 
were  capable  of  listening  to  Temple's  proposals, 


198  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

but   that   the  conduct   of  the  State  of  Massachu 
setts  hampered  their  resolution." 

Although  Congress  sat  with  closed  doors  and  the 
public  was  ignorant  of  what  transpired  at  its  sessions, 
something,  of  course,  leaked  out,  which,  coupled  with 
its  dilatory  action,  excited  among  the  people  more  or 
less  discontent.  The  army  had  petitioned  for  public 
ity  of  Congressional  proceedings,  especially  in  all  mat 
ters  appertaining  to  the  conduct  of  the  war,  but  with 
out  effect.  Silas  Deane  had  published  a  pamphlet  re 
lating  to  these  points,  "  which,"  says  Gerard,  "  was  not 
distasteful  to  the  plurality  of  the  members  of  Con 
gress,  wearied  and  ashamed  of  the  ascendency  en 
joyed  by  the  party  headed  by  Richard  Henry  Lee  and 
Samuel  Adams."  Referring  again  to  the  Temple 
affair,  De  Rayneval  says  that  Samuel  Adams  called 
on  him  and  "  swore  to  me  that  he  had  seen  Temple 
but  once  at  his  house,  and  that  he  had  only  been 
polite  to  him  because  recommended  by  the  State  he 
represented." 

Continuing  the  subject  a  fortnight  later,  he  adds  : 

"  The  Congressional  Committee  is  much  ex 
cited  over  the  way  in  which  I  am  to  be  answered 
in  relation  to  the  (peace)  doctrine  of  Mr.  Lee. 
Four  of  its  members  have  drawn  up  an  answer, 
which  has  been  confidentially  communicated  to 
me,  and  it  is  quite  satisfactory.  But  the  fifth 


GERARD  DE  RA  YNE  VAL— 1778-1779.  199 

member,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  the  friend  of  Mr. 
Lee,  docs  not  agree  to  it,  and  tries  to  persuade 
the  others  that,  as  peace  is  provided  for  by  the 
terms  of  the  treaty,  so  explicit  an  answer  is  not 
required.  I  have  fortified  his  colleagues  against 
tin's  fallacious  argument,  and  trust  that  they  will 
adhere  to  their  opinion." 

Both  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Samuel  Adams  write 
to  De  Rayneval  in  order  to  exculpate  themselves. 
His  distrust,  however,  is  not  removed,  for,  as  he  says  : 

"  I  know  positively  that  it  is  Mr.  Adams  alone 
who,  by  his  petty  ruses  and  caviling,  prevents 
the  communication  to  me  of  the  clear  and  satis 
factory  reply  which  the  other  members  of  the 
Committee  adopted  long  ago." 

The  peace  question,  nevertheless,  remains  an  irri 
tating  subject  until  the  following  month  of  March, 
when  it  seems  to  have  been  settled,  for  a  time  at  least, 
according  to  French  views.  Gerard  writes  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  under  date  of  March  10,  1779: 

"  Our  friends  (in  Congress)  began  to  attack 
their  opponents  yesterday.  They  first  brought 
forward  the  principle  of  treating  with  France 
and  showing  perfect  confidence  in  her.  The  Lee 


200  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

faction  was  actively  and  successfully  driven 
back  to  its  last  entrenchments.  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams  became  so  irritated  as  to  abandon  his 
usual  reserve  and  exclaim,  '  Why  must  our  in 
terests  be  so  closely  united  with  those  of  France  ? 
Here,'  said  he,  stamping  on  the  floor,  '  is  the  spot 
where  our  independence  must  be  established  ! ' 

Throughout  this  period  of  vexatious  discussion, 
Washington  at  home  and  Franklin  abroad  were  urging 
the  French  government  to  furnish  money,  and  dis 
patch  the  arms  and  vessels  so  much  needed  for  the 
coming  campaign.  Aware  of  the  necessity  of  obtain 
ing  these  supplies  without  delay,  they  knew  the  impor 
tance  of  deferring  to  French  conditions  for  giving 
them,  and  it  is  evident  that  they  viewed  this  persist 
ent  disregard  of  national  interests  with  great  concern. 
Gerard  de  Rayneval  himself  was  puzzled  by  such  an 
apparently  unpatriotic  policy,  and  he  determined  to 
get  to  the  bottom  of  it.  One  result  of  his  investiga 
tion  is  the  following  letter,  dated  May  4,  1779: 

*  The  following  anecdote  helps  explain  the  political  conduct  of 
Samuel  Adams.  Duponceau,  Steuben's  secretary,  attended  a  re 
ception  in  Boston,  where  he  was  presented  to  many  of  the  emi 
nent  men  of  the  city,  and  among  these  John  Hancock  and  Samuel 
Adams.  The  latter,  listening  to  a  conversation  in  which  Dupon 
ceau  took  part,  and  in  which  he  expressed  republican  ideas,  asked 
him  where  he  got  them.  "  In  France,"  replied  Duponceau. 
"  Impossible  !  "  rejoined  Adams.  "  Why  not  ?"  said  Duponceau, 
"  because  a  man  is  born  in  a  stable  does  that  make  him  a  horse  ?  " 


GfiRARD   DE   RAYNEVAL—iTjl-iYjg.  201 

"  General  Washington,  with  several  general 
officer.^,  have  told  me  that  if  the  army  knew  of 
Congress  wishing  to  take  action  against  the  alli 
ance  it  would  be  disposed  to  revolt.  No  pa 
triots  are  more  reliable  nor  more  zealous.  The 
principal  officers  have  taken  special  pains  to  as 
sure  me  in  the  most  positive  and  satisfactory 
manner  concerning  the  dispositions  of  the  people 
of  their  States.  General  Sullivan,  especially,  has 
made  every  possible  advance  to  me,  so  as  to 
leave  no  doubt  about  what  he  thinks.  ...  I 
have  had  repeated  conversations  with  General 
Washington,  some  of  which  lasted  three  hours  ; 
it  is  impossible  to  give  a  connected  account  of 
them,  but  I  shall  carefully  avail  myself  of  his 
information  in  my  letters  according  as  the  oppor 
tunity  presents  itself.  I  content  myself  now  by 
stating  that  I  have  conceived  as  much  esteem  for 
this  general  in  relation  to  his  intelligence,  mod 
eration,  patriotism  and  integrity,  as  for  his  mili 
tary  talents  and  the  incalculable  services  which 
he  has  rendered  to  his  country." 

Another  report  is  made  two  clays  later,  May  6,  1779: 

"  I  have  continued   my   researches  in  order  to 

discover  the  real   object  of  the  Opposition.     The 


202  'CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

members  of  Congress  whom  I  have  interrogated 
reply  almost  unanimously  that  Samuel  Adams 
wanted  a  continuance  of  the  troubles  in  order  to 
maintain  his  own  importance,  and  that  his  asso 
ciation  with  R.  H.  Lee  originated  in  their  mu 
tual  support  of  John  Adams  and  Arthur  Lee  ; 
that  the  object  of  the  delays,  which  this  party 
excites  by  all  sorts  of  ruses,  was  to  avoid  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  plenipotentiary  (for  negotiating 
peace)  because  it  felt  that  the  latter  would  not 
obtain  a  vote  of  the  present  Congress.  I  ob 
served  to  one  of  the  most  esteemed  members 
that  I  admitted  these  motives  and  personal 
views,  but  that  I  was  strongly  disposed  to  think, 
according  to  the  action  in  common  of  the  Opposi 
tion,  that  its  views  extended  farther;  and  that 
Messrs.  Samuel  Adams  and  Lee  intended  to 
postpone  the  decision  in  order  that  the  English 
commissioners,  who  were  to  make  new  overtures 
to  the  States,  might  arrive  ;  that  they  undoubt 
edly  flattered  themselves  they  would  forestall 
the  confidence  of  the  commissioners,  so  as  to  ren 
der  themselves  masters  of  the  negotiations,  have 
these  take  place  in  America,  and  thus  obtain  a 
credit  which  would  counterbalance  that  acquired 


GERA  RD  DE  RA  YNE  VA  L—  1 7  7 8- 1 7  79.  203 

by  the  opposite  party  in  concluding  the  treaty 
with  the  King  of  France.  I  supported  this  con 
jecture  by  the  statement  he  himself  had  made  to 
me,  that  these  two  men  had  insisted  on  Con 
gress  treating  with  the  last  English  commission 
after  the  arrival  and  ratification  of  our  treaties." 

May  7,  he  says  :"  Boston  is  the  theater  of  the  op 
position  party."  Next  day  he  continues  : 

"  The  personal  tie  between  Messrs.  Adams  and 
Lee  dates  from  the  beginning  of  the  troubles. 
It  was  through  the  good  offices  of  the  former  that 
Air.  Arthur  Lee  procured  the  agency  in  London 
of  the  State  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Hence  the 
political  importance  of  Lee,  who  showed  his 
gratitude  by  every  sort  of  reciprocal  kindness. 
The  Virginians  are  not  the  only  ones  who  en 
tered  into  the  quarrel  with  ideas  of  political  free 
dom  and  independence.  When  these  ideas  be 
gan  to  work  in  the  other  provinces,  the  Eastern 
States  affected  a  pride  and  a  tone  of  superiority 
which  circumstances  favored,  and  which  engen 
dered  the  desire  to  dominate  over  a  freedom  they 
had  founded,  while  the  esteem  they  had  acquired, 
whether  on  account  of  their  popularity,  and  other 


204  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

advantages  which  they  thought  they  possessed, 
led  them  to  believe  that  this  preeminence  was 
their  due.  Lee.  through  his  connection  with 
Adams,  readily  entered  into  a  project  suited  to 
his  character.  He  has  a  secret  ambition,  dissimu 
lation  equal  to  that  of  the  people  of  the  East, 
rigidity  of  manners,  and  the  gravity  that  is  natu 
ral  to  the  Presbyterians.  He  is  laborious,  intel 
ligent,  and  supple,  so  far  as  is  requisite  in  a  grow 
ing  republic.  His  first  successes  in  Congress 
secured  him  the  confidence  of  his  province.  He 
felt  that,  in  uniting  with  four  provinces  which 
had  agreed  to  be  always  of  the  same  opinion,  it 
would  be  easy  for  them  to  be  in  the  plurality,  or 
at  least  to  exercise  a  tribunal  power.  Success 
answered  their  hopes,  and,  for  a  long  time,  they 
ruled  Congress.  They  began  to  lose  standing 
only  when  tlu  elections  brought  about  a  new 
composition  of  this  body.  One  of  the  most  im 
portant  objects  of  this  league  was  to  hinder  the 
army  from  obtaining  too  much  credit.  It  affect 
ed  a  dread  of  its  power,  and  allowed  itself  every 
sort  of  proceeding  and  imputation  in  justification 
of  this  pretended  dread.  They  prevented  the 
army  from  arriving  at  any  degree  of  stability, 


GERARD   DE   RA  YXEVAL— 1778-1779.  205 

It  is  certain  that  if  General  Washington  were 
ambitious  and  an  intriguer  he  might  have 
effected  a  revolution  ;  but  nothing  on  the  part 
of  this  general,  nor  of  the  army,  has  caused 
the  slightest  umbrage  ;  the  principle  that  the 
quality  of  citizen  is  first,  and  that  of  officer  sec 
ond,  is  constantly  on  the  general's  lips.  The 
policy  of  the  faction  on  this  point  is  to  secure  for 
the  Eastern  States  and  Virginia,  in  times  of 
peace,  the  ascendency  which  these  powerful  prov 
inces  will  possess  over  both  the  States  and  the 
armies,  for  lack  of  a  force  common  to  the  States, 
and  under  the  direction  of  the  general  power  of 
Congress.  Hence  the  idea  which  has  obtained 
such  credit  here,  of  revising  the  army  when  peace 
is  declared,  and  of  only  retaining  a  small  corps  of 
provincial  soldiery.  The  Eastern  States  would 
find  this  to  their  advantage,  because  they  are 
already  provided  with  a  numerous  militia. 

"Another  view  of  the  faction,  which  I  had  the 
honor  of  transmitting  to  vou,  is  to   brine  about 

o  s  o 

the  necessity  of  peace  in  such  a  way  as  to  nego 
tiate  directly  with  England,  and  stipulate  some 
sort  of  alliance  with  this  power,  the  credit  of 
which  would  sustain  the  fac:i  >ir.  Such  is  the 


2o6  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

purpose  to  which  its  conduct  constantly  tended, 
when  its  two  chiefs  at  Yorktown  voted  and 
maneuvered  so  obstinately  to  bring  about  a 
negotiation  with  the  English  commissioners,  even 
after  the  arrival  of  the  treaties,  and  when  Lee 
maintained  that  open  hostilities  did  not  deprive 
the  States  of  the  liberty  of  treating  with  Great 
Britain.  It  is,  probably,  through  a  consequence 
of  this  same  system  that  Messrs.  Adams  and  Lee 
do  all  in  their  power  to  render  our  present  nego 
tiations  impossible,  so  that  the  new  English  com 
missioners  may  have  time  to  get  here,  of  whose 
confidence  they  are  assured,  and  with  whom  they 
flatter  themselves  they  can  treat. 

"  Many  members  have  repeated  their  assur 
ances  to  me  that  Congress  was  not  disposed  to 
treat,  except  under  the  King's  auspices  and  in 
the  face  of  all  Europe. 

"  The  crisis  between  the  two  parties  is  at  hand, 
and,  to  all  appearances,  their  fate  will  be  decided 
by  the  issue  of  the  debates. 

"  I  add,  in  other  respects,  that  Mr.  Lee  has  lost 
control  over  the  suffrages  of  his  province,  this 
being  no\v  in  the  hands  of  Colonel  Smith.  The 
State  of  Virginia  has  re-elected  Mr.  Lee  only  up 


GERARD   DE  RA  YNEVAL— 1778-1779.  207 

to  the  month  of  May.  His  presence  in  the  As 
sembly  did  not  prevent  many  charges  being 
made  against  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  and  if  he  is  re 
called  as  well  as  Mr.  John  Adams,  the  credit  of 
the  party  founded  on  their  support  will  be  lost, 
while  many  of  its  partisans  will  throw  off  the 
yoke  which  they  had  imposed  on  them.  A  num 
ber  of  delegates  who  "entertain  these  views  urge 
me  not  to  be  under  any  apprehension  as  regards 
the  present  moment.  It  must  be  added  that,  for 
some  time  past,  the  plurality  of  the  Southern 
States  has  detected  the  snares  laid  for  -them  by 
those  of  the  East ;  that  they  are  disposed  to 
counterbalance  their  association  with  a  similar 
association  ;  and  that  they  have  strenuously  la 
bored  to  bring  Virginia  over  to  their  side — a 
plan  probably  of  service  now,  but  which  might 
become  the  germ  of  serious  evils  should  circum 
stances  permit  each  State  to  care  only  for  its  own 
interests  and  follow  its  own  caprices." 

The  reader  will  find  further  on,  in  the  correspond 
ence  of  Gerard  de  Rayneval's  successor,  another  allu 
sion  to  a  similar  plan.  It  is  evident  that  Gerard  ob 
tained  his  explanation  of  the  policy  of  the  state-rights 
party  from  those  opposed  to  it  and  who  were  strenu- 


208  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

ously  upholding  national  interests.     Their  loyalty  to 
the  alliance  reassured  him. 

And  yet,  notwithstanding  these  manifestations  of 
fidelity  and  good  will  to  France,  the  proceedings  of 
Congress  created  alarm  in  the  mind  of  Gerard  de 
Rayneval.  The  debates  indicated  an  anti-French 
feeling  which  he  was  obliged  to  counteract  by 
a  sort  of  protest.  The  following  letter  to  Ver- 
gennes,  dated  May  16,  1779,  describes  the  effect 
of  it : 

"  I  must  inform  you  that  Mr.  Perm,  the  lead 
ing  member  from  North  Carolina,  after  listening 
to  the  reading  of  my  first  memoir,  arose  and  ex 
claimed  enthusiastically  that  never  had  any 
prince  shown  so  much  magnanimity  as  the  King, 
nor  afforded  such  striking  proofs  of  friendship  ; 
that  America  owed  him  eternal  gratitude  and 
unlimited  confidence;  that  these  principles  had 
always  been  his  guide,  and  that  the  recent  en 
dorsement  of  his  conduct  by  his  constituents  was 
proof  that  they  entertained  the  same  sentiments. 
'I  have  always  held  my  own  honor  sacred,'  he 
declared,  'and  my  constituents  have  entrusted 
me  with  theirs;  I  shall  do  the  same  in  this  hall 
with  the  honor  of  our  ally.  I  declare  that  who 
ever  shall  dare  attack  this  in  this  chamber  is  an 


GERARD   DE   RA  YNEVAL— 1778-1779.  209 

enemy  to  his  country,  and  my  enemy  as  a  sena 
tor,  a  citizen,  and  a  man  ! ' 

"The  other  members  gave  utterance  to  the 
same  sentiments  with  more  or  less  emphasis  ac 
cording  to  their  character.  The  leaders  of  the 
opposition  alone  remained  silent.  The  resolu 
tion  giving  the  King  the  strongest  assurances  of 
gratitude  and  attachment,  and  of  the  loyalty  of 
Congress  to  the  principles  of  the  alliance,  and  es 
pecially  regarding  negotiations  with  the  common 
enemy,  was  passed  without  a  dissentient  voice." 

A  month  later,  the  Fishery  question  is  again 
brought  up  in  Congress.  He  writes,  June  12,  1779: 

"The  danger  arising  from  Adams  and  Lee 
pressing  the  Fisheries  question  is  lessened  by  the 
absence  of  R.  H.  Lee  and  Samuel  Adams.  Lee 
has  been  charged  in  open  session  of  the  Virginia 
Assembly  of  having  sacrificed  the  best  interests 
of  America  and  of  the  alliance,  while  the  storm 
raised  against  Samuel  Adams  in  Boston  has  just 
compelled  him  to  return  there.  .  .  .  These  two 
champions  find  it  necessary  to  talk  in  a  different 
way  on  account  of  public  clamor.  They  are  now 
doing  all  they  can  to  make  it  appear  that  they 


2 16  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

were  eager  for  peace,  and  to  throw  the  blame 
of  delays  on  their  antagonists.  .  .  .  All  the 
States  approve  of  the  decision  in  favor  of 
France." 

The  members  from  Virginia,  New  York,  Maryland, 
Jersey,  and  Connecticut,  with  several  members  from 
the  other  States,  express  warmest  thanks  to  Be  Ray- 
neval  for  "  the  truths  presented  by  him  to  Congress 
the  last  four  months,"  through  which  he  was  able  to 
circumvent  Lee  and  Adams. 

The  correspondence  of  Gerard  de  Rayneval  must 
now  be  dropped,  for  the  departure  of  the  French 
envoy  was  drawing  near.  In  September,  1779,  Con 
gress,  to  show  its  appreciation  of  Gerard  de  Rayne- 
val's  character  and  services,  passed  a  resolution 
requesting  him,  in  the  most  complimentary  man 
ner,  to  sit  for  his  portrait.  This  portrait,  painted  by 
Charles  Willson  Peale,  full  length,  is  now  in  Inde 
pendence  Hall,  Philadelphia.  Congress  accompanied 
this  resolution  with  an  address  which  concludes  as 
follows: 

"  Sir,  we  should  be  deficient  in  the  respect  due 
to  distinguished  merit  if  we  should  fail  to  em 
brace  this  opportunity  of  testifying  to  the  high 
esteem  which  you  have  obtained  throughout  this 
country  by  your  public  and  private  conduct. 

"  You  have  happily  combined  a  vigilant  devo- 


GERA RD  DE   RA  YNE  VA L—i 778-1 779-  2 1 1 

tion  for  the  dignity  and  interests  of  our  most 
excellent  and  illustrious  ally  with  a  generous 
attachment  to  the  honor  and  welfare  of  these 
States. 

"Your  prudence,  integrity,  ability,  and  dili 
gence  in  discharging  the  eminent  trust  reposed 
in  you  have  secured  our  entire  confidence,  and 
now  solicit  from  us  the  strongest  declaration  of 
our  satisfaction  in  your  behavior. 

"  That  you  may  be  blessed  with  a  favorable 
voyage,  the  approbation  of  your  sovereign,  the 
perfect  recovery  of  your  health,  and  all  happi 
ness,  is  among  the  warmest  wishes  of  every  mem 
ber  of  this  body. 

"JOHN  JAY,  President." 

Another  testimonial  is  sent  to  Louis  XVI: 

"  GREAT,  FAITHFUL  AND  BELOVED  FRIEND  AND 

ALLY  : 

"The  conduct  of  Your  Majesty's  Minister,  the 
Sieur  Gerard,  during  his  residence  in  America 
has  been  in  every  respect  so  commendable  that 
we  can  not  forbear  testifying  to  Your  Majesty 
our  sense  of  his  merit,  without  feeling  that 


212  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

uneasiness  which  arises  from  a  neglect  of  the  obli 
gation  of  justice. 

"  His  behavior  appears  to  us  to  have  been  uni 
form!}'  regulated  by  devotion  to  Your  Majesty's 
dignity  and  interest  and  an  adherence  to  the 
terms  and  principles  of  the  alliance  ;  while  at 
the  same  time  he  demonstrated  his  attachment 
to  the  honor  and  prosperity  of  these  States. 
Thus  serving  his  sovereign  he  acquired  our 
entire  confidence  and  esteem,  and  has  evinced 
your  royal  wisdom  in  selecting  a  person  so  prop 
erly  qualified  to  be  the  first  Minister  sent  to  the 
United  States  of  America. 

"  That    the   Supreme   Ruler    of   the    Universe 
may  bestow  all  happiness  on  Your  Majesty,  is  the 
prayer  of  your  faithful    and  affectionate    friends 
and  allies. 
"  Done    at    Philadelphia  the    seventeenth  day  of 

September,  1/79,  by  the  Congress  of  the  United 

States  of  America. 

"  JOHN  JAY,  President. 

"  Attest— 
"  CHAS.  THOMSON,  Secy." 

Other  bodies  offered  him  similar  testimonials,  the 
"  Merchants  of  Philadelphia,"  and  the  "  President  and 


GERARD  DE   RAYNEVAL—\-ii*-\riq.  213 

Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania."     The 

address  of  the  latter  runs  : 

"  I  assure  you,  sir,  it  gives  me  infinite  satisfac 
tion  that  I  have  this  opportunity  of  declaring  to 
you,  in  the  behalf  of  the  House  and  of  all  the  free 
men  of  Pennsylvania,  that  your  name  and  your  ser 
vices  to  America  will  be  held  in  grateful  remem 
brance  so  long  as  the  love  of  Liberty  and  our 
extensive  Empire  shall  remain  amongst  the 
nations.  .  .  .  Your  eminent  services  in  forming  the 
union  between  the  two  nations  and  your  con 
duct  ....  will  fully  justify  in  the  opinion  of  the 
world  this  special  mark  of  our  attention  and 
respect,  and  transmit  your  name  to  posterity 
among  the  first  and  most  distinguished  friends  of 
this  rising  Empire. 

"Jos.  REED,  President." 


XII. 

CORRESPONDENCE  OF  CHEVALIER  DE  LA 
LUZERNE. 

ON  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  assuming  his  duties 
as  Minister,  the  Count  de  Vergennes   informs  him, 
July  18,  1779,  "  what  the  King  and  his  Council  think  " 
about  affairs  in  America  : 

"  We  clearly  perceive  that  an  opposition  party 
exists  in  Congress  which,  if  not  sold  to  England, 
nevertheless  favors  the  views  of  that  power,  and 
which  seeks  to  establish  and  to  bring  into  credit 
principles  diametrically  opposed  to  those  which 
form  the  basis  and  spirit  of  our  treaties  with  the 
United  States.  The  leaders  of  this  party  are 
Richard  Henry  Lee  and  Samuel  Adams.  We 
do  not  know  who  their  associates  are,  but  it  is 
indubitable  that,  among  them,  may  be  counted 
Mr.  John  Adams,  who  has  been  a  Deputy  to 
France,  and  who  has  just  returned  to  America. 
The  party  in  question  is  principally  engaged  in 
effecting  a  reconciliation  between  the  United 
States  and  England,  in  negotiating  with  and 
215 


216  CORRESPOND  EX  CE   OF 

forming  an  alliance  with  the  court  of  London. 
As  you  know  the  existing  engagements  between 
the  King  (of  France)  and  the  Americans  you  can 
judge  yourself  that  the  system  of  Messrs.  Lee  and 
Adams  is  directly  opposed  to  these  engagements, 
and  that  if  Congress  should  adopt  it,  it  would 
destroy  the  alliance  it  has  contracted  with  His 
Majesty.  Thus  far,  the  sound-thinking  party  in 
Congress  has  resisted  the  insinuations  and 
motions  of  the  two  opposition  leaders,  and  we 
are  persuaded  that  their  plans  will  have  been 
frustrated  and  even  set  aside  before  your  arrival 
in  Philadelphia." 

Luzerne,  on  reaching  America,  visits  Boston  first 
and  reports  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  under 
date  of  September  3,  1779.  The  most  interesting  part 
of  his  letter  is  that  relating  to  popular  sentiment 
regarding  the  French  in  New  England.  He  states 
that  the  people  are  attached  to  the  alliance  and  deter 
mined  to  maintain  it  at  all  hazards.  His  opinion  is 
founded  on  what  he  sees  in  the  public  journals,  which 
are  popular  only  as  the  editors  are  zealous  for  the 
Revolution  ;  on  what  ministers  say  in  the  pulpit,  who 
pray  for  a  Catholic  King  once  odious  to  them  ;  on 
the  ill-feeling  constantly  manifested  toward  the  Tories; 
and  on  the  favorable  reports  of  the  Frenchmen  doing 
business  in  the  colony. 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA   LUZERNE.  217 

"  In  a  word,  I  think  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
strong  for  independence  and  the  alliance.  Never 
theless,  in  spite  of  this  disposition,  I  have  good 
reason  to  believe  that  we  shall  find  her  more  ex 
acting  and  more  obstinate  than  we  like  regarding 
her  own  interests  and  the  system  of  pacification 
she  has  adopted." 

The  statements  of  an  eye-witness  on  the  management 
and  suffering's  of  the  army  have  special  interest. 
Luzerne  writes  January  14,  1780,  that,  through  lack  of 
foresight,  the  supplies  of  food  for  the  American  sol 
diers  were  so  scant  it  was  necessary  to  draw  on  those 
provided  by  the  French  government  for  its  own  sol 
diers  ;  the  Committee  on  Subsistences  in  Congress 
gratefully  acknowledges  his  kindness  in  yielding  to 
their  request  for  them.  The  effect  of  scant  supplies 
in  the  American  army  was  deplorable. 

"  The  soldier,  suffering  from  the  severest  cold 
known  since  the  beginning  of  the  century,  was 
obliged  to  live  on  half-rations  for  a  fortnight  and 
then  to  resort  to  pillaging  and  marauding  ;  and 
as  this  produced  great  disorder,  General  Wash 
ington  was  forced  to  put  a  stop  to  it,  which 
caused  a  complete  famine  in  the  camp.  It  was 
finally  necessary  to  order  regular  foraging  and 
marauding  expeditions,  which  went  from  house 


2i8  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

to  house  and  took  everything  that  was  not  abso 
lutely  essential  to  their  inhabitants.  The  Gen 
eral  sent  these  expeditions  purposely  into  Mon- 
mouth  and  other  counties  near  New  York,  which 
swarmed  with  Tories.  During-  this  crisis,  and  a 
very  remarkable  circumstance,  the  soldier  was 
no  less  submissive  and  attentive  to  his  duties, 
while  the  inhabitants  who  were  annoyed  by  the 
pillaging  made  no  resistance.  In  a  country 
where  liberty  and  property  are  watchwords,  both 
are  violated  without  exciting  any  popular  com 
motion." 

This  testimony  to  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  of 
the  country  population  distinguished  from  that  of  the 
cities,  is  only  one  out  of  many  due  to  other  incidents 
which  came  under  the  observation  of  the  French 
ministers. 

The  following  letter  written  in  the  spring,  dated 
April  16,  1780,  accounts  to  a  great  extent  for  the  suf 
ferings  of  the  army  : 

"  It  is  difficult  to  form  a  just  conception  of  the 
depredations  which  have  been  committed  in  the 
management  of  war  supplies — foraging,  clothing, 
hospitals,  tents,  quarters,  and  transportation. 
About  nine  thousand  men,  employed  in  this  ser- 


CHEVALIER   DE    LA    LUZERNE.  219 

vice,  received  enormous  salaries  and  devoured 
the  subsistence  of  the  army,  while  it  was  tor 
mented  with  li unger  and  the  extremes  of  want. 
Congress  determined  to  apply  a  prompt  remedy, 
and  has  just  appointed  a  Committee  of  three,  in 
vested  with  the  amplest  powers  ever  conferred 
on  a  deputation  of  this  kind.  This  resolution 
brought  on  long  and  warm  discussion,  in  which 
a  large  part}-,  jealous  of  seeing  three  individuals 
endowed  with  such  unlimited  power,  strove  to 
restrict  it  by  instructions.  They  insisted  on  the 
danger  of  associating  the  Commander-in-chief  with 
if,  whose  influence,  it  was  stated,  was  already  too 
great.  His  virtues  were  spoken  of  as  an  addi 
tional  cause  of  alarm  ;  it  ivas  remarked  that  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  arm}',  joined  to  a  sort  of  dicta- 
ture  conferred  on  1dm,  placed  Congress  and  the 
thirteen  States  at  its  mercy  ;  that  it  ivas  not  well 
to  expose  even  the  most  virtuous  man  to  the  subtle 
temptations  of  ambition ;  and  it  was  accordingly 
proposed  to  have  the  Committee  consist  of  one  mem 
ber  from  each  of  the  twelve  States  represented.  It 
being  evident  that  this  proposition  would  pro 
duce  in  the  Committee  the  same  dilatoriness  for 
which  Congress  is  blamed,  after  a  long  and  ani- 


220  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

mated  discussion  the  actual  danger  to  the  Re 
public  prevailed  against  every  other  considera 
tion.  The  Committee  of  three  was  appointed. 
They  propose  to  divide  among  themselves  the 
different  objects  on  which  each  has  the  most  in 
formation, and  are  to  visit  the  army  in  a  few  days 
to  commence  operations.  These  instructions 
authorize  them  to  dismiss  all  useless  or  ignorant 
employes,  or  whoever  has  made  improper  dis 
bursements,  to  appoint  others,  to  change,  sup 
press,  and  reform  all  parts  of  the  administration 
which  they  deem  unsound.  They  are  to  concert 
with  the  Commander-in-chief  on  all  that  relates 
to  his  functions,  and  do  nothing  without  his  con 
sent.  ...  If  this  great  work  is  conducted  as 
vigorously  as  is  expected,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
it  will  restore  Congress  to  the  consideration 

o 

which  this  senate  has  lost.  If  I  may  believe 
some  of  its  members  it  deserves  to  lose  a  favor 
through  the  interested  maneuvers  to  which  cer 
tain  delegates  have  surrendered  themselves,  in 
availing  themselves  of  their  knowledge  of  the 
secret  operations  of  the  administration  to  en 
sure  the  success  of  their  commercial  specula 
tions," 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA  LUZERNE.          221 

Later  on,  November  7,  1780,  Luzerne  adds  : 
"  Everybody  in  connection  with  the  army  as 
sures  me  that  it  can  not  subsist  on  the  resources 
of  the  continent.  I  was  afraid  that  there  was  a 
concerted  plan  to  exaggerate  the  sufferings  of 
the  army,  but  on  my  way  through  the  camp  I 
myself  saw  the  constant  recurrence  of  its  neces 
sities,  the  generals  being  often  unable  to  show 
themselves  to  the  men  without  having  demands 
made  upon  them  for  bread  and  clothes." 

We  must  now  recur  to  John  Adams.  On  the  recall 
of  Arthur  Lee,  in  consequence  of  the  difficulties 
caused  by  the  transactions  of  Silas  Deane  and  Beau- 
marchais,  Franklin  and  John  Adams  remained  the 
sole  American  Commissioners  in  Paris.  Early  in  1779 
the  Commission  was  dissolved  and  Franklin  made 
minister  plenipotentiary  at  the  French  court,  to  the 
great  chagrin  of  Adams,  although  he  indites  an  ap 
proval  of  the  appointment.  Adams  returned  home, 
and  on  leaving  Paris  addressed  the  following  note  to 
the  Count  de  Yergennes,  dated  at  Passy,  February 
16,  1779  : 

"  I  assure  you  that  I  shall  leave  this  kingdom 
with  the  most  entire  confidence  in  His  Majesty's 
benevolence  to  the  United  States  and  inviolable 
adherence  to  the  treaties  between  the  two 
powers." 


222  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

Vergennes  returned  a  polite  reply  as  suited  the 
occasion.  Adams  passed  the  summer  in  the  United 
States.  In  September  he  was  chosen  by  Congress  to 
negotiate  the  treaty  of  peace  as  well  as  a  treaty  of 
commerce  with  Great  Britain,  when  the  time  should 
arrive  for  it,  with  which  commission  he  again  de 
parted  for  France.  In  the  mean  time,  between  Feb 
ruary  and  July,  Gerard  de  Rayneval's  letters  had 
enlightened  Count  de  Vergennes  on  the  political 
situation  in  America,  the  result  of  which  is  apparent 
in  the  letter  of  instructions  to  the  Chevalier  de  la 
Luzerne  previously  cited.  Mr.  Adams,  according  to 
Mr.  Bancroft,  owed  his  appointment  as  Peace  Com 
missioner  to  "the  civil  letter"  in  which  Vereennes 

o 

bade  farewell  to  him  on  his  retiring  from  Paris,  and 
which  the  supporters  of  Adams  brought  out  and  had 
"  read  in  Congress  in  proof  that  he  would  be  most 
acceptable  to  the  French  Minister."  That  this  was  at 
least  a  mistake  is  very  evident,  as  some  of  the  mem 
bers,  probably  through  information  furnished  by 
Gerard  de  Rayneval,  vigorously  opposed  the  appoint 
ment.  To  make  clear  what  follows  it  must  be  stated 
that  John  Adams,  through  vanity  or  through  his  am 
bition  to  be  thought  the  ruling  spirit  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  not  only  apparent  then  but  long  after  the  Revo 
lution  was  over,  wanted  to  be  formally  recognized  in 
France,  England,  and  Holland  as  an  independent 
minister,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  Vergennes  and 
Franklin,  who  both  considered  such  a  step  at  that 
time  detrimental  to  French  and  American  interests. 


CHEVALIER   DE   LA    LUZERNE.  223 

John  Adams  reached  France  early  in  1780.  Ru 
mors  were  rife  of  the  English  trying  to  effect  a  peace 
through  him,  and  he  writes  to  Vergennes  on  this 
subject,  May  12  : 

"  When  we  hear  them  affirm  in  Parliament 
that  America  is  on  the  point  of  returning  to  an 
Allegiance  with  the  King  of  England  ;  .  .  .  .  when 
the  members  of  the  opposition,  ....  such  as 
Mr.  Hartley,  Gen.  Conway  and  others,  discover 
plainly  by  their  motions  and  arguments  that 
their  object  is  a  separate  peace  with  America  in 
order  to  be  the  better  able  to  gratify  their 
revenge  against  France  and  Spain,  I  can  have  no 
expectations  that  they  think  of  applying  to  me, 
because  I  think  they  might  be  convinced  of  this, 
at  least,  that  I  shall  make  no  separate  peace.  .  .  . 
Our  alliance  with  France  is  an  honor  and  a 
security  which  have  ever  been  near  my  heart.  .  .  . 
I  have  ever  thought  it,  therefore,  a  national 
Alliance  and  contended  for  it  as  a  Rock  of  De 
fence.  This  object  I  proposed  in  Congress  with 
persevering  assiduity  for  more  than  a  year  in 
opposition  to  other  gentlemen  of  much  greater 
Name  and  Abilities  than  mine."  * 

"  I  will  be  buried  in  the  ocean,  or  in  any  other  manner  sacri 
ficed,  before  I  will  voluntarily  put  on  the  chains  of  France,  when 


224  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

His  views  of  the  alliance  thus  expressed  may  be 
contrasted  with  the  following  documents.  M.  de 
Chaumont,  a  friend  of  Dr.  Franklin,  who  had  procured 
and  was  more  or  less  responsible  for  war  supplies 
sent  to  the  United  States,  calls  on  Mr.  Adams  and 
has  a  conversation  with  him  a  month  after  the  date 
of  the  above  letter,  which  conversation  he  reports  to 
an  official  in  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs  as  fol 
lows  : 

"  PASSY,  June  16,  1780. 

"  MONSIEUR:  I  have  had  a  conversation  with 
Mr.  Adams  so  interesting  that  I  think  Mis  Ex 
cellency  the  Count  de  Vcrgennes  should  be  in 
formed  of  it  ;  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  a 
memorandum  of  it,  and  beg  you  to  hand  it  to  the 
Minister  if  you  deem  it  worthy  of  his  attention, 
I  thought  that  Mr.  Adams,  now  separated  from 
Mr.  [Arthur]  Lee,  would  see  otherwise  than  when 
inspired  by  the  latter.  But  it  seems  that  lie  per 
sists  in  thinking,  for  I  have  always  found  him 
maintaining  this  sentiment,  that  it  is  France 
which  is  under  obligations  to  America  ;  these 
principles,  on  becoming  one  of  the  Peace 
Congress,  he  will  cany  with  him  into  it, 


I  am  struggling  to  throw  off  those  of  Great  Britain." — Diary  in 
France,  April  29,  1778,  Works,  vol.  iii.,  p.  157. 


CHEVALIER   DE   LA    LUZERNE.  225 

and  he  is  a  man  to  publicly  support  them, 
which,  in  my  opinion,  would  be  very  scandal 
ous.  .  .  . 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  DE  CHAUMONT." 

The  reader  must  bear  in  mind  that,  at  this  time,  the 
disastrous  effect  of  the  depreciation  of  Continental 
money  was  felt  in  France  and  in  Europe  generally  by 
those  who  had  contracted  obligations  based  on  faith 
in  American  integrity.  The  action  of  Congress, 
therefore,  in  forcing  the  value  of  Continental  money 
was  received  by  foreigners  with  alarm  as  well  as 
indignation. 

"  I  called  on  M.  Adams,"  says  De  Chaumont, 
"  to  give  him  news  from  Cadiz  adverse  to  the 
American  Congress,  because  it  had  fixed  the 
value  of  the  paper  dollar  at  forty  per  cent,  in 
specie.  I  observed  to  M.  Adams  that  the  com 
mercial  world  had  reason  to  complain,  and 
especially  the  French  merchants.  ...  I  added 
that  many  merchants  would  be  unable  to  fulfill 
their  engagements  if  Congress  did  not  alter  its 
decision  of  March  last,  or  did  not  add  a  declara 
tion  in  favor  of  European  negotiators,  which 
it  would  be  well  to  indicate  so  as  to  meet 
the  evil. 


226  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

"  M.  Adams  replied  that  '  the  course  taken  by 
Congress  was  wise  and  just,  and  particularly  so  ; 
that  those  who  complained  of  it  were  emissaries 
and  spies  of  the  English  ;  that  it  would  be  very 
unjust  to  treat  Europeans  differently  from 
Americans;  that  the  country  could  get  along 
without  the  former  should  they  abandon  trade 
with  America  ;  that  the  French  had  less  reason 
to  complain  than  anybody  else,  since  France 
derived  the  greatest  advantages,  because,  with 
out  America,  to  which  France  could  not  be  under 
too  great  obligation,  England  would  be  too  power 
ful  for  the  house  of  Bourbon  ;  that,  had  it  not 
been  for  America,  Russia,  Denmark,  Switzerland, 
Portugal  and  Holland  would  not  be  in  league 
against  England  ;  that  the  merchants  in  danger 
of  bankruptcy  would  be  delighted  to  have  the 
pretext  of  the  fixed  valuation  {fixation),  and 
that  Congress  had  been  forced  to  this  valuation 
by  the  refusal  of  credit  which  it  had  asked  of 
its  European  allies.' 

"  I  confess  that  this  answer  astonished 
me,  and  that  if  Mr.  Adams  possesses  the 
secret  of  the  Americans,  we  must  give  heed 
to  it." 


CHEVALIER    DE    LA    LUZERXE.  227 

This  communication  gave  rise  to  an  official  corre 
spondence  between  John  Adams  and  the  Count  de  Ver 
gennes,  in  which  John  Adams  maintained,  substan 
tially,  the  above  views.  His  letter  to  the  French 
Minister  bearing  date  June  22,  1780  (to  which  we 
must  refer  the  reader  as  published  in  his  works,  vol. 
vii.,  p.  193),  is,  to  say  the  least,  a  curious  document. 
Vergennes  replies  in  a  letter,  the  spirit  of  which  is 
apparent  further  on,  to  Franklin.  The  draft  of  Ver- 
gennes's  letter,  in  the  archives,  bears  the  following 
note  :  "  Any  ulterior  explanation  with  M.  Adams  on 
the  depreciation  of  paper  money  would  be  superfluous. 
M.  de  Luzerne  is  instructed  to  treat  with  Congress  on 
this  subject,  which  better  appreciates  the  alliance  be 
tween  the  King  and  the  United  States  than  Mr.  Adams." 

Franklin,  nevertheless,  at  Adams's  request,  writes  to 
Vergennes,  June  24,  to  ask  a  delay  in  the  dispatch  of 
the  orders  to  Luzerne,  as  follows  : 

"  JUNE  24,  1780. 

u  In  consequence  of  the  enclosed  letter,  which 
I  have  received  from  Mr.  Adams,  I  beg  leave  to 
request  of  your  Excellency  that  the  orders 
therein  mentioned,  if  not  already  sent,  may  be 
delayed  till  he  has  prepared  the  representations 
he  proposed  to  lay  before  you  on  that  subject,  by 
which  it  will  appear  that  these  orders  have  been 
obtained  by  misinformation.  I  am,  etc., 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


228  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

Vergennes  replies,  June  30,  1780  : 

"  I  did  not  receive  the  letter  you  did  me  the 
honor  to  write  me  on  the  24th  of  this  month 
until  yesterday.  You  ask  me,  in  accordance 
with  Mr.  Adams's  request,  that  the  orders  given  to 
M.  le  Chevalier  de  Luzernc,  in  relation  to  the 
resolution  of  Congress  of  March  i8th  last,  be 
revoked,  or,  at  least,  suspended,  because  that 
plenipotentiary  is  able  to  prove  these  orders  to 
have  been  based  on  misinformation.  Mr.  Adams, 
on  the  22d  instant,  addressed  to  me  a  very  long 
discussion  on  the  matter  in  question  ;  but  his 
letter  contains  nothing  but  abstract  arguments, 
hypotheses,  and  calculations  which  have  only  an 
ideal  basis,  or,  at  the  very  least,  which  are  incom 
prehensible  to  the  King's  subjects  ;  in  short, 
principles  which  are  anything  but  analogous  to 
those  of  the  alliance  which  subsists  between  His 
Majesty  and  the  United  States.  You  can  well 
see  by  this,  Monsieur,  that  the  pretended  proofs 
referred  to  by  Mr.  Adams  were  not  of  a  character 
to  make,  us  modify  our  sentiments,  nor,  conse 
quently,  to  ensure  the  revocation  or  suspension 
of  the  orders  transmitted  to  the  Chevalier  de  la 
Luzerne. 


CHEVALIER    DE   LA    LUZERXE.  229 

"  The  King  Is  so  persuaded,  Monsieur,  that  your 
personal  opinion  on  the  effects  of  the  resolution 
of  Congress  in  relation  to  what  concerns  foreign 
ers,  and  especially  the  French,  differs  from  that 
of  Mr.  Adams,  that  he  does  not  apprehend  giving 
you  any  embarrassment  in  soliciting  you  to  sup 
port  before  Congress  the  representations  which 
his  minister  is  charged  to  lay  before  that  body  ; 
and,  that  you  may  do  so  with  a  full  comprehen 
sion  of  the  matter,  His  Majesty  has  ordered  me 
to  enclose  to  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  Mr. 
Adams  and  one  of  this  plenipotentiary's  observ 
ations  to  me,  together  with  the  answer  I  have 

o 

just  communicated  to  him.  The  King  expects 
that  you  will  lay  the  whole  before  Congress,  and 
His  Majesty  flatters  himself  that  this  senate,  im 
bued  with  other  principles  than  those  developed 
by  Mr.  Adams,  will  satisfy  His  Majesty  that  it 
judges  the  French  worthy  of  some  consideration 
on  its  part,  and  that  it  knows  how  to  appreciate 
the  marks  of  interest  which  His  Majesty  does 
not  cease  to  manifest  towards  the  United  States." 
"  As  for  the  rest,  Monsieur,  the  King  does  not 
indicate  to  Congress  any  steps  which  might  be 
taken  to  indemnify  French  holders  of  paper 


230  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

money ;  His  Majesty  leaves  that  entirely  to 
the  equity  as  well  as  wisdom  of  that  assem 
bly." 

Franklin,  July  10,  repudiates  Adams's  letter,  and  re 
turns  it  to  Vergennes.  John  Adams,  July  13,  indites 
another  long  appeal  to  Vergennes  in  which  he  says  at 
the  close  of  it  : 

"  There  are  some  remnants  of  Prejudice  against 
Americans  among  the  French  ;  and  it  must  be 
confessed  there  are  some  in  America  against 
France.  It  is  really  astonishing,  however,  that 
there  are  so  few,  and  it  is  the  interest  and  Duty 
of  both  to  lessen  them  as  fast  as  possible,  and  to 
avoid  with  the  nicest  care  every  colorable  cause 
of  reviving  any  part  of  them." 

Adams  is  at  length  convinced  that  he  is  on  the 
wrong  track  through  a  communication  Vergennes  ad 
dresses  to  him  on  the  2oth  of  July.  Nevertheless  he 
continues  to  write  long  letters  of  the  same  tenor  to 
this  Minister,  until  finally,  July  29,  Vergennes  tells 
him  rather  bluntly  that  he  will  correspond  only  with 
Franklin  on  all  matters  which  concern  the  American 
Congress.  Franklin,  out  of  patience,  and  seeing  the 
necessity  of  repudiating  Adams's  diplomatic  conduct, 
thus  writes  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  : 


CHEVALIER   DE   LA    LUZERXE.  231 

"  PASSY,  August  3,  1780. 

"  It  was  indeed  with  very  great  pleasure  that  I 
received  and  read  the  Letter  your  Excellency  did 
me  the  honor  of  writing  to  me,  communicating 
that  of  the  President  of  Congress  and  the  resolu 
tions  of  that  Body  relative  to  the  Succours  then 
expected  ;  for  the  Sentiments  therein  expressed 
are  so  different  from  the  Language  held  by  Mr. 
Adams  in  his  late  letters  to  your  Excellency  as 
to  make  it  clear  that  it  was  from  his  particular 
Indiscretion  alone, and  not  from  any  Instructions 
received  by  him,  that  he  has  given  such  just 
cause  of  Displeasure  ;  and  that  it  is  impossible 
his  Conduct  therein  should  be  approved  by  his 
Constituents.  I  am  glad  he  has  not  admitted 
me  to  any  Participation  in  his  Writings,  and  that 
he  has  taken  the  Resolution  he  expresses  of  not 
communicating  with  me  or  making  use  of  my  In 
tervention  in  his  future  Correspondence  ;  a  reso 
lution  that  I  believe  he  will  keep,  as  he  has 
never  yet  communicated  to  me  more  of  his 
Business  in  Europe  than  I  have  seen  in  the 
Newspapers.  I  live  upon  Terms  of  Civility 
with  him,  not  of  Intimacy.  I  shall,  as  you 
desire,  lay  before  Congress  the  whole  Corre- 


232  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

spondence  which  you  have  sent  me  for  that  pur 
pose. 

"With  the  greatest  and  most  sincere  Respect, 
"  I  am,  Sir,  etc., 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

This  muddle,  created  by  John  Adams,  occurs  at 
the  most  critical  period  of  the  war.  New  York  and 
Charleston  are  in  possession  of  the  English,  while  the 
South  is  overrun  by  them  ;  the  country  is  without 
credit  and  a  suitable  navy,  and  the  spirit  of  the  people 
is  flagging  ;  there  is  nothing  to  rely  on  but  the  friend 
ship  of  French  rulers  and  their  contributions  of 
money,  men,  arms  and  ships.  The  struggling  colo 
nies  besides  these  have  to  rely  mainly  on  the  match 
less  diplomatic  genius  of  Franklin,  and  the  equally 
matchless  abnegation,  patience,  and  wisdom  of  Wash 
ington. 

August  7,  1780,  Vergennes  informs  Luzerne  of  the 
"  paper-money  "  correspondence  of  John  Adams  : 

"  I  give  you  these  details,  Monsieur,  in  order 
that  you  may  confer  confidentially  with  the 
President  and  principal  members  of  the  Con 
gress,  and  thus  enable  them  to  judge  whether 
the  character  of  Mr.  Adams  is  such  as  to  qualify 
him  for  the  important  task  confided  to  him  by 
Congress.  As  far  as  I  am  concerned  I  foresee 


CHEVALIER   DE   LA    LUZERNE.  233 

that  this  plenipotentiary  will  do  nothing  but 
raise  difficulties  and  cause  vexation,  on  account 
of  a  stubbornness,  a  pedantry,  a  self-sufficiency 
and  a  self-conceit  which  render  him  incapable  of 
handling  political  questions,  and  especially  of 
treating  with  the  representatives  of  the  great 
powers,  who,  assuredly,  will  not  accommodate 
themselves  either  to  the  tone  or  logic  of  Mr. 
Adams.  These  reflections  seem  to  me  to  de 
serve  all  the  more  attention  because  this  pleni 
potentiary,  if  really  attached  to  independence, 
which  I  can  not  verify,  seems  to  me  to  be  only 
very  feebly  attached  to  the  alliance  ;  so  that  it 
will  cost  him  nothing  to  take  steps  which  would 
imply  the  ingratitude  of  the  United  States,  whilst 
the  opposite  sentiment  forms  the  basis  of  his  in 
structions.  Is  such  an  agent  suitable  for  us,  can 
he  be  suitable  for  the  United  States?" 

The  effect  of  this  letter  is  visible  in  Luzerne's 
reply  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  under  date  of 
January  2,  1781.  He  states  that  John  Adains's 
letters  on  the  paper-money  question  had  been  laid  be 
fore  Congress,  and  that  that  body  regarded  the  view 
Mr.  Adams  took  of  his  instructions  and  mission 
atjroad  as  absurd,  and  that  his  proceedings  were  con 
sidered  as  strange  and  unexpected.  In  a  subsequent 


234  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

letter,  January  28,  1781,  Luzerne  writes  that  Congress 
disapproves  generally  of  John  Adams's  management  of 
his  mission,  and  "  regrets  that  negotiations  for  peace 
should  be  in  the  hands  of  one  so  capable  of  being 
mistaken  in  its  real  object."  Excuses  are  made  for 
him  on  the  score  of  his  patriotism,  so  useful  to  the 
American  cause. 

After  Vergennes  had  dismissed  Adams,  as  we  have 
seen  above,  Adams  went  to  Holland,  where  Vergennes, 
nevertheless,  assisted  him  in  his  negotiations  for  a  loan. 
Luzerne  states  that  "  his  letters  from  Holland  are  well 
calculated  to  sustain  the  courage  of  the  Americans 
and  excite  their  activity."  He  continues  : 

"  There  is  a  party  in  Congress  headed  by  the 
Massachusetts  delegation,  of  which  Samuel 
Adams  is  the  soul.  This  delegate  is  the  oldest 
and  most  avowed  enemy  of  England  in  the  pres 
ent  Revolution,  but  he  has  adopted  a  system  of 
jealousy,  distrust,  and  disquietude  which  makes 
him  think  that  it  is  better  to  risk  a  prolongation 
of  the  war  than  incur  the  clanger  of  any  inward 
or  outward  influence.  He  devotes  himself  to  ex 
citing  alarm  against  General  Washington,  and 
the  more  popular  Washington  is  on  account  of 
his  services,  the  more  dangerous  does  Mr. 
Adams  regard  him.  As  he  pursues  this  course 
obstinately,  as  no  difficulty  discourages  him,  as 


CHEVALIER   DE   LA    LUZERNE.  235 

he  centers  everything  in  the  end  he  has  in 
view,  he  has  made  many  proselytes  in  Congress. 
Only  a  few  days  ago,  at  the  close  of  a  small 
dinner-party,  one  of  his  pupils  gave  utterance  to 
a  violent  denunciation  of  General  Washington, 
declaring  that  distrust  is  the  guardian  of  re 
publics,  that  no  man  is  safe  against  the  tempta 
tions  of  ambition,  that  Washington's  virtues, 
real  or  apparent,  form  one  demerit  the  more,  that 
he  had  himself  voted  against  every  motion  made 
to  extend  his  authority,  that  he  would  do  the 
same  in  every  circumstance,  and  that  it  was 
essential  to  be  on  one's  guard  against  a  man  who 
attracted  general  attention.  Pie  would  have 
gone  further,  but  his  colleagues,  who  had  kept 
cool,  rose  from  the  table  and  observed  to  me, 
smiling,  that  they  would  adjourn  this  matter 
until  another  day." 

These  disputes  in  Congress  and  the  partisanship 
they  develop,  bring  Congress  into  discredit  with  the 
people,  and  cause  the  chagrin  which  Washington  ex 
presses  with  so  much  feeling  in  private  and  public 
letters  of  this  period,  as  will  be  seen  further  on. 

The  Count  de  Yergennes  writes  to  Luzerne,  Feb 
ruary  1 8,  1781,  that  if  Congress  is  determined  to  give 
a  successor  to  Franklin  he  hopes  it  will  not  be  John 


236  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

Adams.     He  is  now  satisfied  about  his  adhesion    to 
the  alliance,  but  he  doubts  his  discretion. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  that  this  American  is  a  zeal 
ous  patriot,  and  that  he  is  invariably  devoted  to 
independence  and  the  alliance,  but  his  character 
and  turn  of  mind  are  essentially  opposed  to  what 
is  proper  in  political  intercourse  ;  he  is,  and  will 
be,  a  negotiator  as  embarrassing  for  his  superiors 
as  for  those  who  have  business  relations  with 
him.  I  am  so  convinced  of  this  as  to  foresee 
with  a  sort  of  pain  Mr.  Adams  taking  a  part  in 
the  negotiations  for  peace.  I  have  already  ob 
served  this  to  you  in  preceding  dispatches  and 
repeat  it  now,  so  that  you  may  see,  if  possible, 
in  case  another  may  not  be  substituted  for  him, 
that  he  may  have  a  colleague  capable  of  restrain 
ing  him." 

Again,  March  9,  he  adds  : 

"  I  confess  to  you  that,  whatever  good  opinion 
I  may  entertain  of  the  patriotism  of  John  Adams, 
I  see  him,  with  regret,  entrusted  with  so  difficult 
and  so  delicate  a  duty  as  that  of  pacification,  on 
account  of  his  pedantry,  stubbornness  and  self- 


CHEVALIER   DE  LA    LUZERNE.  237 

importance,   which  will   give  rise   to  a  thousand 
vexations  to  the  despair  of  his  co-negotiators." 

Vergennes  directs  Luzerne  to  abstain  from  trying 
to  procure  Adams's  removal,  but  to  get  Congress  to 
give  him  instructions  which  will  keep  him  from  doing 
mischief.* 


*It  is  interesting  to  place  Bancroft's  account  (vol.  x.,  p.  443) 
of  the  Adams  mission,  side  by  side  with  the  foregoing  documents  : 
"John  Adams  arrived  in  Paris  with  full  powers  to  treat  with 
Great  Britain  for  peace  and  commerce  ;  the  French  minister  de 
sired  that  the  object  of  his  commission  should  for  the  present  re 
main  unknown.  Adams  replied  by  enumerating  the  reasons  for 
communicating  it  to  Great  Britain  without  delay  ;  but  he  was  not 
obstinate,  and  waited  for  the  opinion  of  Congress.  A  discussion 
next  followed  on  applying  to  French  creditors  the  reduction  by 
Congress  in  the  value  of  its  paper-money.  Adams  argued  vigor 
ously  that  the  reduction  must  affect  all  nations  alike,  for  which 
he  obtained  the  approbation  of  Congress.  These  points  being 
disposed  of,  he  not  only  assumed  a  right  to  give  advice  to  the 
King  of  France  on  the  conduct  of  the  war,  bat,  to  a  court 
where  the  sanctity  of  regal  power  formed  the  accepted  creed, 
he  laid  it  down  as  certain  that  '  in  this  intelligent  age  the 
principle  is  well  agreed  on  in  the  world  that  the  people  have  a 
right  to  a  form  of  government  according  to  their  own  judgments 
and  inclinations.'  Vergennes  broke  off  correspondence  with 
him,  as  not  being  accredited  to  Fiance,  and  complained  to  the 
French  minister  at  Philadelphia  of  his  want  of  a  conciliatory  tem 
per.  Franklin,  too,  though  with  reluctance,  suffered  himself  to 
be  made  the  channel  of  communicating  officially  the  censures 
which  Vergennes  did  not  spare.  In  the  favor  of  Congress  Frank 
lin  lost  ground  by  his  compliance,  while  A  lams  was  supported 
more  heartily  than  before."  On  page  452.  Bancroft  adds  :  "  But, 
on  reflection,  and  through  French  intl.u-hci,  it  was  wisely  de- 


238  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

We  now  follow  the  letters  of  the  Chevalier  cle  la 
Luzerne,  down  to  the  capitulation  of  Cornwallis. 
They  go  to  confirm  what  has  already  been  placed 
before  the  reader,  as  well  as  furnish  other  items  that 
more  or  less  enliven  the  dryness  of  political  and  diplo 
matic  records.  They  are  specially  interesting  in  re 
lation  to  Samuel  Adams. 

Early  in  1780,  Luzerne  reports  to  his  government  : 

"  The  influence  of  the  four  New  England 
States  is  always  very  great,  and,  as  they  are 
united  in  external  and  internal  policy  and  act 
systematically,  and  as  Pennsylvania  and  Dela 
ware,  both  little  on  their  guard  against  their 
intrigues,  have  formed  a  kind  of  coalition  with 

o 

these  States,  all  constitute  a  league  which  en 
ables  them  to  frustrate  every  resolution  of  Con 
gress  opposed  to  their  interests." 

In  a  subsequent  letter  Luzerne  reports  that  Gov 
ernor  Livingston  of  New  Jersey  had  proposed  to 


cided  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  New  England  man  by  joint 
commissioners  selected  from  other  sections  of  the  country.  With 
the  aid  of  Sullivan  of  New  Hampshire,  who  was  in  the  pay  of 
France,  instructions  such  as  Vergennes  might  have  drafted  were 
first  agreed  upon  ;  then,  on  the  ballot,  the  choice  fell  on  Jay, 
Franklin,  Henry  Laurens  and  Thomas  Jefferson.  .  .  .  'Congress 
have  done  very  well,'  wrote  John  Adams  to  Franklin,  'to  join 
others  in  the  commission  for  peace  who  have  ?ome  faculties  for 
it.  My  talent,  if  I  have  one,  lies  in  making  war.'  " 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA    LUZERNE.  239 

form  a  separate  confederation  of  the  other  States  and 
leave  New  England  out,  the  plan  of  which  Livingston 
had  shown  to  him.  Luzerne,  however,  recommends 
Livingston  to  maintain  the  existing  state  of  things 
and  strive  to  detach  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  from 
the  coalition.  The  New  England  States  and  the 
Southwestern  States,  he  says,  being  "  rivals  in  inter 
ests,  power,  trade  and  aggrandizement,"  it  is  for  the 
Middle  States  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power. 

December  15,  1780,  Congress  is  filled  with  intrigues 
and  cabals  to  secure  the  recall  of  Franklin.  The 
Massachusetts  delegates  employ  every  means  to  influ 
ence  their  colleagues  to  this  end.  Luzerne  adds  : 

"  This  minister  has  no  one  to  support  him 
here  openly  ;  it  is  only  the  fear  each  party  has 
of  seeing  him  replaced  by  a  successor  of  the 
opposite  party  which  keeps  him  where  he  is. 
Massachusetts,  South  Carolina  and  a  few  individ 
ual  votes,  brought  over  by  Messrs.  Izard  and 
Lee,  have  positively  asserted  that  anybody  was 
preferable  to  a  minister  who,  they  say,  has  lost 
the  American  cause  in  France  through  noncha 
lance  and  the  empire  over  him  of  his  surround 
ings." 

It  was  found  in  the  Continental  Congress  that 
*'  committees  "  were  poor  managers  of  the  various 
departments  of  the  government,  and  that  it  would  be, 


24°  CORRESPONDENCE  OF 

better  to  have  these,  respectively,  under  the  direction 
of  one  person. 
Luzerne  says  : 

"  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  whose  stubborn  and  reso 
lute  character  was  so  useful  in  the  beginning  of 
the  Revolution,  but  who  shows  himself  ill-adapted 
to  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  an  established  govern 
ment,  has  taken  the  lead  among  the  defenders  of 
the  old  forms  and  methods  employed  in  the 
transaction  of  affairs  by  committees." 

So  great  was  the  evil  in  the  War  Department  that 
Washington  had  been  obliged  to  keep  the  plan  of  his 
campaign  secret  from  Congress  and  have  it  so 
arranged  that  military  affairs  should  be  entrusted 
exclusively  to  himself,  Gerard  de  Rayneval,  and 
Count  d'Estaing  of  the  French  fleet,  each  being 
leaders  of  separate  forces  and  resources.  De  Ray 
neval  had  written,  May  16,  1779,  tnat  Congress 

"  has  just  given  Washington  full  power  to  deter 
mine  the  operations  of  the  campaign  along  with 
myself  and  Count  d'Estaing,  relieving  him  of 
reporting  to  anybody,  and  begging  him  to  set 
aside  on  this  occasion  the  principles  which 
inspire  his  modesty  and  a  distrust  of  his  own 
ability." 


CHEVALIER   DE  LA    LUZERNE.  241 

Countless  difficulties  of  the  same  kind  occurred  in 
the  department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  as  in  the  cases  of 
Silas  Deane,  Beaumarchais,  and  Franklin,  while  the 
evil  becomes  equally  great  in  the  department  of  the 
Finances. 

"  Congress,"  says  Luzerne,  "  has  appointed 
Robert  Morris  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  mer 
chant  who  has  rendered  essential  services  to  his 
country.  He  seems  disposed  to  accept  the 
office  on  condition  of  being  allowed  to  appoint 
his  subordinates  and  be  free  to  dismiss  them. 
Everybody  wants  him  to  accept,  and  it  is 
thought  that  this  post  could  not  be  in  better 
hands." 

In  this  as  in  other  cases  the  wisdom  of  the  change 
is  proved  by  the  fact  that  Robert  Morris  brought 
order  out  of  chaos.  Other  examples  are  given. 

May  18,  Luzerne  states  that  Congress  had  long 
been  occupied  with  the  choice  of  a  [Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs.  Samuel  Adams  nominated  Arthur 
Lee,  and  did  all  that  friendship  and  intrigue  could 
accomplish  to  secure  his  election  ;  but  Luzerne  put  a 
stop  to  it  by  declaring  to  the  President  of  Congress 
that  he  would  not  transact  business  through  him. 
Samuel  Adams,  an  intimate  friend  of  General  (rates, 
then  tried  to  have  him  nominated  for  the  place,  but 
Gates  being  under  suspicion  on  account  of  his  defeat 
at  Camden,  S,  C.,  Washington,  to  whom  the  matter 


242  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

was  referred,  declared  that  Gates  could  not  enter 
on  his  duties  until  he  was  purged  of  the  charge  in 
conformity  with  military  law. 

De  Marbois,  Charge  d'Affaires  in  the  absence  of 
the  Minister,  writes  about  Lafayette  as  follows  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes  : 

"  It  is  difficult  to  imagine,  Monseigneur,  to 
what  extent  the  prudence  of  M.  le  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  joined  to  firm  and  decided  conduct, 
has  won  the  affections  of  the  inhabitants.  His 
presence  attracts  both  men  and  supplies.  No 
man,  say  the  delegates  from  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  except  Washington,  could  have 
obtained  such  universal  popularity  ;  having 
shown  in  his  first  campaign  bravery  even  to 
rashness,  he  now  shows  consummate  prudence. 
On  his  arrival  in  Virginia  the  people  were  aghast 
at  his  youth,  but  now  they  would  regret  exceed 
ingly  to  see  the  command  pass  into  other  hands." 

De  Marbois,  July  14,  reports,  in  his  turn,  on  the 
sentiments  of  certain  States  with  regard  to  peace. 
Massachusetts  always  goes  as  Samuel  Adams  says. 
Connecticut,  more  independent,  nevertheless  adheres 
to  the  league  because  its  delegates  are  Presbyterian. 
Presbyterianism  also  inclines  New  Jersey  to  side 
with  Massachusetts,  but  as  New  Jersey  does  not  care 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA    LUZERNE.  243 

for  the  fisheries,  and  has  no  claim  on   Western  lands, 
it  will  vote  independently. 

Luzerne,  in  November,  1780,  goes  again  to  Boston. 
Either  on  his  way  there,  or  at  this  city,  he  encounters 
Governor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut,  the  famous  and 
trusted  "  Brother  Jonathan  "  of  Washington.  Gerard 
de  Rayneval,  in  the  month  of  March,  1779,  had 
already  borne  witness  to  the  good  government  of 
Connecticut  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  Connecticut  is  in  a  good  situation.  Its 
government  is  well  ordered  ;  it  lacks  nothing  ; 
its  finances  are  on  a  level  (with  demands  on 
them)  ;  its  contingent  of  troops  is  well  kept  up  ; 
its  militia  is  numerous  and  well-disposed,  without 
division  of  sentiment  and  without  any  Tory 
element.  No  other  State  enjoys  the  same  ad 
vantages." 

Gov.  Trumbull  favors  the  project  of  enrolling 
soldiers  for  the  war  instead  of  on  time  enlistments, 
and  urges  Luzerne  to  press  this  matter  on  the  States 
of  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island. 

The  States  north  of  Pennsylvania  do  all  in  their 
power,  but  Luzerne  is  satisfied  that  their  resources  are 
limited  to  recruiting  men  and  to  paying  them  ;  but 
these  are  not  sufficient  to  maintain  an  army.  This 
state  of  things  leads  him  to  mention  what  is  thought 
by  the  public  of  the  aid  furnished  by  France,  and,  by 


244  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

way  of  contrast,  how  exhausted  American   resources 
are  generally.     Writing  Nov.  7,  1780,  he  says  : 

"  There  is  nobody  who  does  not  admit  that 
France  has  done  more  than  their  allies  had  a 
right  to  expect,  and  that  these  have  been  far 
from  doing  what  was  expected  of  them.  .  .  . 
Everybody  belonging  to  the  army  assures  me 
that  it  can  not  be  maintained  on  the  resources  of 
this  continent.  I  was  afraid  that  its  sufferings 
were  exaggerated,  but  on  my  way  through  the 
camp  I  myself  saw  its  pressing  necessities,  the 
generals  being  often  unable  to  show  themselves 
without  the  men  demanding  bread  and  clothes." 

Another  letter  by  M.  de  Marbois  contains,  in  this 
connection,  an  abstract  of  a  letter  written  by  Wash 
ington  to  the  Count  de  Guichen,  a  copy  of  which  he 
had  also  sent  to  Luzerne,  exposing  the  need  of  money 
and  stating  that,  without  this  and  a  fleet,  the  cause 
was  lost.  In  January,  1781,  Washington  sends 
Colonel  Laurens,  one  of  his  aids,  on  a  special  mission 
to  Paris  to  explain  the  situation.  He  gives  him  a 
long  letter  to  Franklin,  evidently  intended  to  be 
shown  to  the  French  authorities,  and  now  on  file  in  the 
archives,  from  which  I  make  the  following  extract  : 

"  What  I  have  said  to  him  (Col.  Laurens)  I 
beg  leave  to  repeat  to  you  that,  to  me,  nothing 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA    LUZERNE.  245 

appears  more  evident  than  that  the  period  of  our 
opposition  will  very  shortly  arrive  if  our  allies 
can  not  afford  us  that  effectual  aid,  particularly 
in  money  and  in  a  naval  superiority,  which  are 
now  solicited." 

Other  letters  by  Washington  of  this  epoch  ex 
press  the  same  conviction.  In  one  of  those  cited 
by  Bancroft,  moved  by  the  disputes  and  wiles  of 
politicians  in  Congress,  he  writes  : 

"  I  have  beheld  no  day,  since  the  commence 
ment  of  hostilities,  that  I  thought  American 
liberty  in  such  imminent  danger  as  at  present. 
.  .  .  \Ye  seem  to  be  verging  so  fast  to  destruc 
tion  that  I  am  filled  with  sensations  to  which  I 
have  been  a  stranger  till  within  these  three 
months." 

"  The  conjuncture  requires  all  our  wisdom  and 
all  our  energy.  Such  is  the  present  state  of  this 
country  that  the  utmost  exertion  of  its  resources, 
though  equal,  is  not  more  than  equal,  to  the  ob 
ject."  * 

<k  The   country  in  general  is  in  such  a   state  of 


*  Letter  of  Washington  to  Philip  Schuyler,  John  Matthews  and 
Nathaniel  Peabody,  Committee  of  Congress.  Morristown, 
May  25,  1780. 


246  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

insensibility  and  indifference  to  its  interests,  that 
I  dare  not  flatter  myself  with  any  change  for  the 
better."  * 

"  As  I  always  speak  to  your  Excellency  in  the 
confidence  of  friendship,  I  shall  not  scruple  to 
confess  that  the  prevailing  politics  for  a  consider 
able  time  past  have  filled  me  with  unexpressible 
anxiety  and  apprehension,  and  have  uniformly 
appeared  to  me  to  threaten  the  subversion  of 
our  independence."  f 

Before  many  more  months  pass,  however,  things 
improve  through  the  assistance  which  France  affords 
in  response  to  these  entreaties.  How  it  is  appreciated 
is  best  shown  in  the  following  reply  of  Washington  to 
a  public  address  made  to  him  by  the  citizens  of  New 
port,  R.  I.,  in  March  of  this  year  on  his  visit  to  that 
town. 

"  Among  the  distinguished  honors  which  have 
a  claim  to  my  gratitude  since  my  arrival,  I  have 
seen,  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  these  effusions  of 
esteem  and  attachment  which  have  manifested 
themselves  in  the  citizens  of  this  town.  My  hap 
piness  is  complete  in  a  moment  that  unites  the 


*  To  Joseph  Reed,  May  28. 

f  To  Governor  Truinbull,  Ramapo,  June  27. 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA  LUZERNE.  247 

expressions  of  their  sentiments  for  me  with  their 
suffrages  in  favor  of  our  allies. 

"  The  conduct  of  the  French  army  and  fleet,  of 
which  the  inhabitants  testify  so  grateful  and 
affectionate  a  sense,  at  the  same  time  that  it 
evinces  the  wisdom  of  the  commanders  and  the 
discipline  of  the  troops,  is  a  new  proof  of  the 
magnanimity  of  the  nation.  It  is  a  further 
demonstration  of  that  general  zeal  and  concern 
for  the  happiness  of  America  which  brought 
them  to  our  assistance  :  a  happy  presage  of 
future  harmony — a  pleasing  evidence  that  an 
intercourse  between  the  two  nations  will  more 
and  more  cement  the  union  by  the  solid  and 
lasting  ties  of  mutual  affection." 

Next  comes  in  the  order  of  dates  an  important 
letter  by  Vergennes,  prompted  by  the  conduct  of 
Ralph  Izard  : 

"  This  American,  with  a  naturally  restless 
mind,  has  tried  in  vain  to  meddle  with  French 
politics,  and  he  is  now  desirous  of  avenging  him 
self  by  casting  imputations  on  us  or  on  Mr. 
Franklin.  But  I  have  too  good  an  opinion  of 
the  wisdom  and  intelligence  of  Congress  and  of 
all  good  patriots  to  suppose  that  they  can  be 


248  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

misled  by  the  reports  of  a  man  whose  character 
they  must  be  familiar  with,  and  that,  in  judging 
us,  they  will  base  their  judgment  on  the  gener 
ous  action  of  His  Majesty.  As  far  as  Mr.  Frank 
lin  is  concerned,  his  conduct  leaves  nothing  for 
Congress  to  desire  ;  it  is  as  zealous  and  as  patri 
otic  as  it  is  wise  and  circumspect  ;  and  you  may 
state,  whenever  you  think  proper,  that  the 
method  followed  by  this  plenipotentiary  is  much 
more  efficacious  than  if  he  took  it  upon  him 
self  to  be  importunate  by  multiplying  demands  ; 
and  especially  if  these  were  enforced  by  threats 
to  which  we  should  attach  neither  value  nor  im 
portance,  and  which  would  only  serve  to  render 
him  personally  disagreeable.  You  can  not  make 
it  too  strongly  felt,  Monsieur,  that  threats  would 
be  all  the  more  superfluous,  inasmuch,  suppos 
ing,  as  we  do,  Congress  incapable  of  prescribing 
them,  we  should  place  them  to  account  of  its 
representative,  who  would  derive  no  other  ad 
vantage  from  them  than  the  irreparable  loss  of 
our  confidence." 

The  allusion  to  threats  is  due  undoubtedly  to  the 
indiscreet  conduct  of  Col.  Laurens,  the  special  envoy 
mentioned  in  Washington's  letter  above  cited.  Ver- 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA  LUZERNE.  249 

gen nes  then  states  in  his  dispatch  the  sums  of  money 
already  advanced  to  Franklin  and  the  amount  that 
would  be  furnished  the  coming  year  ;  he  closes  with 
this  remark,  "  I  dare  flatter  myself  that  these  marks 
of  interest  will  be  appreciated  by  all  patriots." 

Luzerne,  March  14,  1781,  alludes  to  a  Congres 
sional  regulation  which,  it  seems,  provided  that  no 
deputy  to  Congress  should  hold  his  seat  more  than 
three  years,  but  which  had  not  been  observed.  Some 
had  sat  longer,  and  their  time  was  up.  Particularly 
was  this  the  case  with  the  Massachusetts  delegates, 
who  had  ruled  Congress  on  account  of  their  long 
standing  in  that  body,  by  closely  following  up  busi 
ness,  and  who  had 

"  often  used  their  advantage  to  the  detriment  of 
the  public  cause  for  the  benefit  of  their  own 
State,  and  especially  for  their  friends  and  adher 
ents.  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  is  at  their  head,  and 
although  his  patriotism  can  in  no  respect  be  sus 
pected,  nevertheless  the  jealousy  he  has  of  every 
foreign  power,  and  even  of  France,  has  led  him 
into  several  proceedings  of  which  I  have  avoided 
making  complaint,  because  I  have  prevented 
their  effects  by  other  means." 

July  21,  1781,  Luzerne  again  expresses  his  opinion 
of  Washington,  in  relation  to  his  treatment  of  one  of 
the  divisions  of  the  French  army  : 


250  CORRESPONDENCE   OF 

"  General  Washington's  kindness  and  consid 
eration  have  won  for  him  everybody's  affection. 
The  natural  dignity  of  his  character  is  mingled 
with  a  modest  familiarity  which  belongs  to 
American  habits  and  which  renders  him  all  the 
dearer  to  the  (French)  soldiers,  although  he 
can  not  make  himself  understood  by  them. 
The  French  officers  have  had  the  good  sense 
to  show  greater  respect  for  him  and  be  more 
deferential  than  the  Americans  themselves.  He 
receives  the  extraordinary  honors  paid  to  him 
without  appearing  to  be  surprised,  and  yet  with 
an  air  of  grateful  acknowledgment. 

Two  ships  from  Spain  now  arrive  with  supplies, 
including  clothing;  some  of  this  clothing  consists  of 
red  coats,  which  the  soldiers  refuse  to  wear  on  ac 
count  of  red  being  English  colors.  Meanwhile  the 
French  soldiers,  the  two  divisions  of  the  army  being 
encamped  side  by  side,  crack  jokes  on  the  nudity 
of  the  Americans,  which  jokes  the  French  officers 
repress,  whenever  there  is  danger  of  disturbance. 
Luzerne  comments  on  this  as  follows: 

"  I  predict  more  favorably  of  this  contact  than 
I  would  have  done  if  I  had  not  seen  it  myself. 
The  people  of  the  States  through  which  our  divi 
sions  have  passed  flocked  from  all  sides  to 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA  LUZERNE.  251 

see  them  on  their  route  ;  the  regimental  bands 
played  in  the  evening  at  all  places  where  the 
men  were  to  pass  the  night,  while  the  inhabitants 
mixed  in  with  the  officers  and  soldiers,  almost 
every  march  terminating  with  a  dance.  The 
Americans  seemed  to  have  been  touched  with 
the  generosity  of  a  nation  which  had  come  so  far 
in  their  defense  and  shed  its  blood  in  behalf  of 
freedom.  Every  Frenchman  must  cherish  with 
the  greatest  satisfaction  the  enduring  fame  this 
expedition  will  reflect  upon  the  nation  if  the 
issue  proves  a  favorable  one." 

The  realization  of  this  favorable  issue  is  soon  to 
come. 

On  the  ist  of  August,  1781,  Luzerne,  however, 
writes  that,  flattered  by  rumors  of  peace,  and  espe 
cially  by  the  news  of  the  King  having  made  a  loan, 
efforts  to  provide  financially  grow  languid.  He 
thinks  it  best  to  inform  Congress  that  the  loan  now 
made  is  the  last,  and  that  no  further  help  of  this  kind 
will  be  afforded.  It  was  proposed  to  give  the  dis 
bursement  of  this  loan  exclusively  to  Washington,  but 
Luzerne  recommended  its  disbursement  by  Congress, 
with  the  understanding  that  it  should  be  applied  to 
military  purposes,  through  Robert  Morris.  Washing 
ton  thanks  Luzerne  with  "  parfaite  cordialite  "  for  this 
service  in  preventing  what  his  enemies  would  undoubt- 

'^KN* 
v.JiSixY  } 


252  CORRESPONDENCE    OF 

edly  have  made  the  most  of.  A  New  York  gazette 
states,  for  instance,  that  the  object  of  this  loan  was 
"  to  make  Washington  king,  and  put  a  Virginia  farmer 
in  the  place  of  the  English  monarch." 

August  nth,  Luzerne  narrated  his  influence  in  get 
ting  Livingston  appointed  Secretary  of  State.  His 
opponents  declare  that  the  French  minister's  support 
of  any  candidate  is  a  warrant  for  defeat.  Luzerne 
praises  Livingston  highly,  but,  in  spite  of  his  esteem 
for  him,  is  obliged  to  admit  that  he  is  indolent  and 
loves  quiet.  He  also  praises  General  Sullivan,  and 
says  that  it  is  largely  owing  to  his  influence  that  all 
the  effective  resolutions  passed  in  Congress  for  the 
last  four  months  are  due.  He  hopes  that  the  good 
disposition  of  Congress  will  last,  but  this  body  is  sub 
ject  to  too  many  changes  to  enable  him  to  guarantee  it. 

Writing  October  3,  1781,  Luzerne  says  in  relation 
to  the  re-establishment  of  the  government  of  Georgia 
after  the  expulsion  of  the  English  : 

"  The  courage  shown  by  the  Georgians  in  a 
long  course  of  misfortunes  is  really  astonishing, 
the  inhabitants  having-  abandoned  their  houses  to 
live  by  hunting  in  the  woods,  pressed  by  the 
English  on  one  side  and  by  the  savages  on  the 
other." 

Affairs  are  improving.  Through  the  supply  of 
money  from  France  and  the  arrival  of  a  French  fleet, 
military  operations  are  carried  on  with  energy  and 


CHEVALIER  DE  LA  LUZERXE.  253 

success.  Boston  merchants,  excited  by  Samuel 
Adams,  begin  again  to  try  and  make  the  people 
believe  that  national  existence  depends  on  the 
Fisheries.  The  siege  of  Yorktown,  however,  goes  on, 
and  the  capitulation  of  Cornwallis  soon  arrives. 

November  20,  1781,  on  the  news  of  this  event 
reaching  Paris,  Franklin  writes  to  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes : 

"  Your  very  obliging  letter  communicating  the 
News  of  the  important  victory  at  York  gave  me 
infinite  pleasure.  The  very  powerful  Aid  af 
forded  by  His  Majesty  to  America  this  Year  has 
rivetted  the  Affections  of  that  People,  and  the 
Success  has  made  millions  happy.  Indeed  the 
King  appears  to  me  from  this  and  another  late 
Event  (the  birth  of  the  Dauphin),  to  be  le  plus 
grand  Faiscur  d'hcureux  that  this  world  affords. 
May  God  prosper  him,  his  Family  and  Nation  to 
the  End  of  Time." 

An  epilogue  to  the  foregoing  series  of  extracts, 
might  be  added,  consisting  of  the  expressions  of 
gratitude  to  the  French  government  by  the  states 
men,  diplomats,  soldiers  and  others  who  were  parties 
with  the  French  in  securing  American  independence. 
Franklin,  in  the  •  above  letter,  expresses  his  senti 
ments.  The  reader  will  have  noticed  the  like  senti 
ments  on  the  part  of  Washington.  It  is  merely  nee- 


254      DE  LA  LUZERNE'S  CORRESPONDENCE. 

essaryto  add  that  addresses  at  public  meetings  in  all 
the  States,  declarations  from  pulpits,  articles  in  the 
newspapers,  statements  by  officers  of  the  army,  and 
the  revelations  of  private  correspondence  bear  witness 
to  the  same  feeling,  all  of  which  is  still  more  formally 
expressed  in  repeated  testimonials  by  the  Continental 
Congress,  elegantly  engrossed  and  on  file  in  the 
archives  of  the  French  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs. 


APPENDIX, 


255 


APPENDIX   I. 


TOM  PAINE. 

(Seep.  137.) 

engagement  with  Tom  Paine  did  not  last  long. 
1  In  the  month  of  May  following,  Paine  having 
"tarnished  his  reputation"  and  "  sold  himself  to  the 
opposition,"  Gerard  de  Rayneval  lets  him  go,  substi 
tuting  for  his  pen  in  the  newspapers  that  of  two  other 
writers,  one  "An  Honest  Politician"  and  the  other 
"  Americas,"  the  latter  a  member  of  Congress.  Later 
on,  in  December,  Paine  strives  to  reinstate  himself 
with  Luzerne,  who  keeps  him  at  a  distance.  Subse 
quently,  however,  he  concludes  to  employ  him,  and 
Paine  retrieves  himself  to  a  certain  extent  ;  but  Con 
gress  and  Pennsylvania  have  lost  faith  in  him.  "  He 
is  constantly  destitute.  ...  It  can  not  be  denied  that 
his  early  writings  influenced  the  Revolution,"  says  Lu 
zerne,  who  is  disposed  to  employ  him  to  write  a  his 
tory  of  the  Revolution  for  the  instruction  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  country,  and  thus  keep  them  straight  in  their 
tendencies.  This  object,  however,  is  not  carried  out. 
In  connection  with  Tom  Paine,  the  following  letter 
is  of  interest,  although  having  no  relation  to  my  sub- 

257 


258  APPENDIX  I. 

ject.  I  am  indebted  for  it  to  M.  Taine,  who  found 
it  in  the  archives,  in  his  researches  for  his  work  on 
the  French  Revolution,  and  which  he  cites  in  part  in 
the  second  volume  of  that  work.  The  letter  is  here 
printed  entire  for  the  first  time. 

LETTER  OF  THOMAS  PAIXE  TO  DANTON. 

PARIS,  May  6,  2d  year  of  the  Republic  (1793). 
CITOYEX  DANTON : 

As  you  read  English  I  write  this  letter  to  you 
without  passing  it  through  the  hands  of  a  trans 
lator. 

I  am  exceedingly  distressed  at  the  distractions, 
jealousies,  discontents  and  uneasiness  that  reign 
among  us  and  which,  if  they  continue,  will  bring 
ruin  and  disgrace  on  the  Republic.  When  I  left 
America  in  the  year  1787  it  was  my  intention  to 
return  the  year  following,  but  the  French  revolu 
tion  and  the  prospect  it  afforded  of  extending  the 
principles  of  liberty  and  fraternity  through  the 
greater  part  of  Europe  have  induced  me  to  pro 
long  my  stay  upwards  of  six  years.  I  now  de 
spair  of  seeing  the  great  object  of  European 
liberty  accomplished,  and  my  despair  arises  not 
from  the  combined  foreign  powers,  not  from  the 
intrigues  of  aristocracy  and  priestcraft,  but  from 


APPENDIX  /.  259 

the  tumultuous  misconduct  with  which  the  inter 
nal  affairs  of  the  present  revolution  is  conducted. 

All  that  now  can  be  hoped  for  is  limited  to 
France  only,  and  I  agree  with  your  motion  of  not 
interfering  in  the  government  of  any  foreign 
country,  nor  permitting  any  foreign  country  to 
interfere  in  the  government  of  France.  This 
decree  was  necessary  as  a  preliminary  toward  ter 
minating  the  war.  But  while  these  internal  con 
tentions  continue,  while  the  hope  remains  to  the 
enemy  of  seeing  the  republic  fall  to  pieces,  while 
not  only  the  representatives  of  the  departments 
but  representation  itself  is  publicly  insulted,  as  it 
has  lately  been  and  now  is  by  the  people  of  Paris, 
or  at  least  by  the  tribunes,  the  enemy  will  be 
encouraged  to  hang  about  the  frontiers  and  await 
the  issue  of  circumstances. 

I  observe  that  the  confederated  powers  have 
not  yet  recognised  Monsieur,  or  D'Artois,  as  re 
gent,  nor  made  any  Proclamation  in  favour  of  any 
of  the  Bourbons,  but  this  negative  conduct  ad 
mits  of  two  different  conclusions.  The  one  is 
that  of  abandoning  the  Bourbons  and  the  war 
together,  the  other  is  that  of  changing  the 
object  of  the  war  and  substituting  a  partition 


260  APPENDIX  I. 

scheme  in  the  place  of  their  first  object  as  they 
have  done  by  Poland.  If  this  should  be  their  ob 
ject,  the  internal  contentions  that  now  rage  will 
favour  that  object  far  more  than  it  favoured  their 
former  object.  The  danger  every  day  increases 
of  a  rupture  between  Paris  and  the  departments. 
The  departments  did  not  send  their  deputies  to 
Paris  to  be  insulted,  and  every  insult  shown  to 
them  is  an  insult  to  the  departments  that  elected 
and  sent  them.  I  see  but  one  effectual  plan  to 
prevent  this  rupture  taking  place,  and  that 
is  to  fix  the  residence  of  the  Convention  and 
of  the  future  assemblies  at  a  distance  from 
Paris. 

I  saw,  during  the  American  Revolution,  the  ex 
ceeding  inconvenience  that  arose  by  having  the 
government  of  Congress  within  the  limits  of  any 
Municipal  Jurisdiction.  Congress  first  resided 
in  Philadelphia,  and  after  a  residence  of  four 
years,  it  found  it  necessary  to  leave  it.  It  then 
adjourned  to  the  state  of  Jersey.  It  afterwards 
removed  to  New  York  ;  it  again  removed  from 
New  York  to  Philadelphia  and,  after  experiencing 
in  every  one  of  these  places  the  great  inconven 
ience  of  a  government  within  a  government  it 


APPEXDIX   I.  261 

formed  the  project  of  building  a  Town  not  within 
the  limits  of  any  municipal  jurisdiction  for  the 
future  residence  of  Congress.  In  any  one  of  the 
places  where  Congress  resided,  the  municipal  au 
thority  privately  or  openly  opposed  itself  to  the 
authority  of  Congress  and  the  people  of  each  of 
those  places  expected  more  attention  from  Con 
gress  than  their  equal  share  with  the  other  states 
amounted  to.  The  same  things  now  take  place 
in  France  but  in  a  far  greater  excess. 

I  see  also  another  embarrassing  circumstance 
arising  in  Paris  of  which  we  have  had  full  expe 
rience  in  America.  I  mean  that  of  fixing  the 
price  of  provisions.  But  if  this  measure  is  to  be 
attempted  it  ought  to  be  done  by  the  Municipal 
ity.  The  Convention  has  nothing  to  do  with 
regulations  of  this  kind  ;  neither  can  they  be 
carried  into  practice.  The  People  of  Paris  may 
say  the}-  will  not  give  more  than  a  certain  price 
for  provisions,  but  as  they  cannot  compel  the 
country  people  to  bring  provisions  to  market  the 
consequence  will  be  directly  contrary  to  their  ex 
pectations,  and  they  will  find  dearness  and  famine 
instead  of  plenty  and  cheapness.  They  may 
force  the  price  down  upon  the  Stock  in  hand,  but 


262  APPENDIX  I. 

after  that  the  market  will  be  empty.  I  will  give 
you  an  example — 

In  Philadelphia  we  undertook  among  other 
regulations  of  this  kind  to  regulate  the  price  of 
Salt ;  the  consequence  was  that  no  Salt  was 
brought  to  market,  and  the  price  rose  to  thirty- 
six  shillings  sterling  per  Bushel.  The  price  be 
fore  the  war  was  only  one  shilling  and  six  pence 
per  Bushel  ;  and  we  regulated  the  price  of  flour 
(farine)  till  there  was  none  in  the  market  and  the 
people  were  glad  to  procure  it  at  any  price. 

There  is  also  a  circumstance  to  be  taken  into 
the  account  which  is  not  much  attended  to.  The 
assignats  are  not  of  the  same  value  they  were  a 
year  ago  and  as  the  quantity  encreases  the  value 
of  them  will  diminish.  This  gives  the  appear 
ance  of  things  being  dear  when  they  are  not  so 
in  fact,  for  in  the  same  proportion  that  any  kind 
of  money  falls  in  value  articles  rise  in  price.  If 
it  were  not  for  this  the  quantity  of  assignats 
would  be  too  great  to  be  circulated.  Paper 
money  in  America  fell  so  much  in  value  from  this 
excessive  quantity  of  it  that  in  the  year  1781 
I  g-ivc  three  hundred  Paper  dollars  for  one 
pair  of  worsted  stockings.  What  I  write  you 


APPENDIX  I.  263 

upon  this  subject  is  experience  and  not  merely 
opinion. 

I  have  no  personal  interest  in  any  of  these 
matters  nor  in  any  party  disputes.  I  attend  only 
to  general  principles. 

As  soon  as  a  constitution  shall  be  established  I 
shall  return  to  America  ;  and  be  the  future  pros 
perity  of  France  ever  so  great  I  shall  enjoy  no 
other  part  of  it  than  the  happiness  of  knowing  it. 
In  the  mean  time  I  am  distressed  to  see  matters 
so  badly  conducted  and  so  little  attention  paid 
to  moral  principles.  It  is  these  things  that  injure 
the  character  of  the  Revolution  and  discourages 
the  progress  of  liberty  all  over  the  world. 

When  I  began  this  letter  I  did  not  intend 
making  it  so  length}7,  but  since  I  have  gone  thus 
far  I  will  fill  up  the  remainder  of  the  sheet  with 
such  matters  as  shall  occur  to  me. 

There  ought  to  be  some  regulation  with  respect 
to  the  spirit  of  denunciation  that  now  prevails. 
If  every  individual  is  to  indulge  his  private  malig 
nancy,  or  his  private  ambition,  to  denounce  at 
random  and  without  any  kind  of  proof,  all  con 
fidence  will  be  undermined  and  all  authority  be 
destroyed.  Calumny  is  a  species  of  Treachery 


264  APPENDIX  I. 

that  ought  to  be  punished  as  well  as  any  other 
kind  of  Treachery.  It  is  a  private  vice  productive 
of  a  public  evil,  because  it  is  possible  to  irritate 
men  into  disaffection  by  continual  calumny  who 
never  intended  to  be  disaffected.  It  is  therefore, 
equally  as  necessary  to  guard  against  the  evils  of 
unfounded  or  malignant  suspicion  as  against  the 
evils  of  blind  confidence.  It  is  equally  as  neces 
sary  to  protect  the  characters  of  public  officers 
from  calumny  as  it  is  to  punish  them  for  treach 
ery  or  misconduct.  For  my  own  part  I  shall 
hold  it  a  matter  of  doubt,  until  better  evidence 
arises  than  is  known  at  present,  whether  Du- 
mourier  has  been  a  traitor  from  policy  or  from 
resentment.  There  was  certainly  a  time  when 
he  acted  well,  but  it  is  not  every  man  whose 
mind  is  strong  enough  to  bear  up  against  ingrati 
tude  and  I  think  he  experienced  a  great  deal  of 
this  before  he  revolted. 

Calumny  becomes  harmless  and  defeats  itself 
when  it  attempts  to  act  upon  too  large  a  scale. 
Thus  the  denunciation  of  the  sections  against 
the  twenty-two  deputies  falls  to  the  ground. 
The  departments  that  elected  them  are  better 
judges  of  their  moral  and  political  characters  than 


APPENDIX  L  265 

those  who  have  denounced  them.  This  denunci 
ation  will  injure  Paris  in  the  opinion  of  the  de 
partments  because  it  has  the  appearance  of  dic 
tating  to  them  what  sort  of  deputies  they  shall 
elect.  Most  of  the  acquaintances  that  I  have  in 
the  Convention  are  among  those  who  are  in  that 
list,  and  I  know  there  are  not  better  men  nor 
better  patriots  than  what  they  are. 

I  have   written   a  letter  to  Marat  of  the  same 
date  as  this  but   not  on  the  same  subject.     He 
may  show  it  to  you  if  he  chuse. 
Votre  ami, 

THOMAS  PAINE. 

CITOYEN  DANTON. 


APPENDIX  II. 


(See  Page  156.) 

daughter  of  Beaumarchais,  before  leaving 
Paris  for  America,  prepared  the  following  appeal  to 
Congress  which  she  had  printed  both  in  French  and 
English,  probably  for  distribution  among  its  members 
on  her  arrival. 

THE  DAUGHTER  OF  PIERRE-AUGUSTIN  CARON 
DE   BEAUMARCHAIS. 

To    the    honorable  the  Members   of  the  Senate 

and    House    of    Representatives  of  the  United 

States: 

PARIS,  October  20,  1822. 
GENTLEMEN  : 

At  the  epoch  when  the  second  session  of  the 
seventeenth  Congress  is  to  begin,  I  have  thought 
it  serviceable  to  my  interests,  and  to  your  equity, 
to  collect  the  facts  which  establish  the  justice  of 
my  claim. 

You  will  not  disavow  the   source  from  whence 
267 


268  APPENDIX  II. 

I  took  them  :  if  I  claim  justice,  it  is  in  the  way 
the  most  accordant  with  your  dignity  ;  for  almost 
all  the  testimonies  I  have  now  the  honour  of  sub 
mitting  to  your  consideration,  have  been  brought 
forth  by  some  of  your  most  respected  and  most 
respectable  fellow  citizens,  viz.: 

I.  The  message  of  President  Madison. 

II.  The  letters  of   your  Minister  in    France  to 
the  Duke  de  Richelieu. 

III.  The  answer  of  the  Duke  de  Richelieu. 

IV.  The  letters    of    the    French    Minister,    M. 
Hyde  de  Neuvillc,  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

V.  The  report  of  the  Committee  appointed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives. 

VI.  The  message  of  President  Monroe. 

VII.  The  opinions  delivered    by    Messrs.  Rod 
ney  and  Pinkney,  attorneys-general  of  the  United 
States. 

VIII.  The   copy  of   the  important    document 
which  proves  that  the   million  paid   on    the    loth 
day  of  June,  1776,  has  not  been    received    under 
any  obligation  to   account   for   it   to   the    United 
States,  and  that  the  application   of   it   has  been 
approved  by  the  French  government. 

IX.  The  letter  written,  according  to  a  resolu- 


APPENDIX  77.  269 

tion  of  Congress  in    17/9,  by  their  President   to 
M.  de  Beaumarchais. 

After  having  paid  some  attention  to  the  afore 
said  documents,  you  will  wonder,  no  doubt,  that 
justice  has  been  asked  for  without  success  for  so 
many  years.  Will  it  be  refused  to  me  again? 
As  a  reward  for  the  devotion  of  Beaumarchais  to 
your  cause,  shall  his  daughter  be  deprived  of  her 
fortune,  and  finish  her  life  in  vain  and  cruel  ex 
pectation,  as  her  father  did,  whose  existence  was 
shortened  by  troubles  and  sorrow  ?  Till  the  last 
moment  of  his  life  he  begged  you  to  decide  upon 
his  claim.  He  said  to  you  :  "My  proceedings  to 
wards  you  were  zealous  and  pure;  my  letters,  my 
commercial  conventions  attest  it  ;  they  are  in 
your  hands;  they  have  been  thoroughly  exam 
ined  :  examine  them  again.  The  proofs  which 
those  frequent  examinations  have  established  are 
warranted  by  illustrations  and  unexceptionable 
testimonies,  among  which  I  find,  with  pride, 
those  of  some  of  your  countrymen  :  their  veracity 
could  not  be  questioned.  Decide,  in  your  own 
cause,  with  equity  and  impartiality  !  Or,  at  least, 
be  pleased  to  appoint  special  commissioners  to  set 
tle  that  discussion,  to  end  that  unequal  struggle, 


270  APPENDIX  II. 

and  I  will  accept  them  from  you  with  confidence 
as  my  judges:  but  I  beg  that  a  speedy  decision 
may  take  place."  The  same  applications  are  ad 
dressed  to  you  by  his  daughter  ;  and,  to  conclude, 
I  will  express  myself  in  the  very  words  which  his 
kind  and  noble  heart,  so  great  in  his  misfortunes, 
so  generous  to  the  misfortunes  of  others,  has  dic 
tated  to  him  in  his  last  memorial  on  this  case. 
After  having  quoted  a  letter  written  to  him  by  M. 
Silas  Deane,  in  17/8,  when  this  gentleman  was 
going  to  leave  France,  and  wherein  it  is  said  : 

"  I  hope  Congress  will  not  delay  any  longer  to 
acknowledge  the  great  and  important  services 
that  the  cause  of  America  is  indebted  to  you  for, 
Ttie  end  of  your  exertions  is  now  to  be  obtained, 
since  a  French  fleet  is  now  ready  to  sail.  This 
will  show  to  the  world,  and  to  America,  how 
sincere  is  the  friendship  of  France,  and  how 
firmly  determined  she  feels  to  protect  the  Ameri 
can  independence.  I  congratulate  you  on  such  a 
glorious  event,  which  you  have  promoted  more 
than  any  one." 

M.  de  Beaumarchais  then  goes  on,  speaking  of 
his  long  troubles,  of  the  justice  of  his  claim,  and 
adds  : 


APPENDIX  77.  271 

"  But  I  will  leave  this  long  computation  of 
accounts  and  calculations,  though  it  breaks  my 
heart  to  feel  in  what  a  dreadful  situation  I  am 
quitting  my  only  daughter,  leaving  her  without 
support,  without  a  guide,  without  a  protector, 
and  wasting  her  life  in  the  pursuit  of  contested 
claims.  I  will  now  address  my  ardent  prayers  to 
you  :  I  will  no  longer  dispute  and  establish  my 
rights  by  proofs  and  reasoning  but  try  only  to 
turn  your  justice  to  kindness  and  interest 
towards  my  orphan  daughter.  My  rights  to  such 
an  interest  are  direct.  It  is  you  that  I  wished  to 
serve,  it  is  yourselves  that  I  have  served.  I 
have  gained  no  other  reward  than  affliction. 
Allow  me,  dying,  to  bequeath  to  you  my  daugh 
ter,  who,  after  me,  perhaps  will  be  ruined  by 
other  injustices,  which  will  not  then  be  in  my 
power  to  repair.  If  nothing  were  to  be  left  her 
in  this  world,  perhaps  she  will  find  in  future  that 
these  delays  of  payment  may  be  a  last  resource 
that  heaven  has  intended  to  leave  her  after  my 
death.  If  so  many  proofs  obtained  their  natural 
effect,  be  as  just  as  Congress  was  in  17/9  !  Re 
ward  me  in  the  being  I  love  best  in  the  world. 
Let  the  compensation  of  what  I  have  done 


272  APPENDIX  II. 

belong  to  my  daughter  when  her  father  shall  be 
no  more;  and,  dying,  allow  me  to  recommend 
her  to  your  kind  protection." 

Such  were  the  last  wishes  of  his  heart ;  those 
anxieties  for  the  loss  of  my  fortune  were 
paternal,  and  too  truly  proved. 

To  discharge  debts  contracted  in  his  long  pro 
scription,  and  in  the  long  pursuit  of  his  just 
claims;  to  secure  to  my  children,  and  my  respect 
able  husband,  a  better  existence  in  future;  to 
pay  a  tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  my 
father,  by  establishing  the  justice  of  his  request, 
such,  Gentlemen,  are  the  wishes  and  the  desire  of 
which  I  hope  the  speedy  accomplishment,  with 
the  most  respectful  confidence, 

EUGENIE  DELARUE. 


D 


APPENDIX   III. 

(See  page  196.) 

R.  FRANKLIN  lived  at  Passy,  a  suburb  of  Paris. 
One  day  an  envelope  was  thrown  into  the  grating 
of  the  house,  containing-  a  letter  written  on  six  pages 
of  large  folio  paper,  of  a  blue  tint,  enclosing  two  other 
papers,  one  of  eighteen  articles  entitled  "  Project  for 
allaying  the  present  ferments  in  North  America,"  and 
the  other,  of  thirteen  articles,  entitled  "  Great  outlines 
of  the  Future  Government  of  North  America."  L)r. 
Franklin  believed  that  these  documents  were  sent 
with  the  cognizance  of  George  III.  The  letter  bears 
this  address  : 

To  BEXJ.  FRAXKLIN,  ESQ.,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 

Secret  &  Confidential. 

Read  this  in  private  &  before  you  look  at 
the  other  papers  but  clont  be  imprudent 
enough  to  let  any  one  see  it  before  you  have 
considered  it  thoroughly. 

SlR:   I  shall  wave  apologies,  if  your  intentions 
are  as  upright  as  mine  they  will  not  be  suspected  : 
273 


274  APPENDIX  III. 

it  is  an  Englishman  who  addresses  you,  but  an 
Englishman  neither  a  partizan  of  mere  obstruc 
tive  faction  tending  to  confound  all  order  of 
government,  nor  yet  one  who  is  an  idolatrous 
worshipper  of  passive  obedience  to  the  divine 
rights  of  Kings  ;  not  one  who  holds  that  every 
thing  which  can  obtain  the  requisite  formality 
of  Law  in  the  English  Constitution  must  there 
fore  be  infallible,  &  essentially  Law,  &  Liberty. 
Nay,  to  go  further  in  my  creed,  I  look  upon 
many  Acts,  &  declarations  of  Parliament,  for 
some  years  past,  but  as  Phantoms  of  British  Lib 
erty,  conjured  up  by  the  spells  of  Scottish  witch 
craft,  to  calumniate,  &  attempt  to  draw  down 
distraction,  on  that  unsuspecting  angel  of  which 
they  are  the  lying  representatives. 

You  are  a  Philosopher,  whom  nature,  industry, 
&  a  long  experience  have  united  to  form,  &  to 
mature — it  is  to  you  therefore  I  apply — I  apply 
as  to  a  man  of  cool  judgement,  a  clear  under 
standing,  and  an  extensive  reflection,  entreating 
you  by  the  name  of  that  omnipotent,  omniscient, 
&  just  God,  before  whom  you  must  appear,  &  by 
your  hopes  of  future  fame,  consider  well,  if  some 
expedients  cannot  be  invented  to  put  a  stop  to 


APPEXDIX  III.  275 

the  desolation  of  America,  and  to  prevent  the 
baneful  effects  of  that  storm  which  threatens  to 
deluge  the  ivhole  world  with  blood. 

It  must  be  granted  that  every  provocation 
capable  of  piquing  national,  or  private  resent 
ment  has  been  exercised  on  America — Inso 
lence — Contempt — wanton  injustice — tyrannick 
violence — and  all  those  mischiefs,  which  stupid 
narrow  minded  Despotism  can  command,  without 
a  feeling  for  the  sufferers,  or  a  sollicitude  about 
what  is  to  be  the  consequence — whole  towns  de 
stroyed,  private  murders  shocking  to  mention  or 
think  on  committed — agriculture  and  its  peace 
ful!  professors  ruin'd,  Religion,  &  Science  vio 
lated — in  a  word, — all  the  horrors  of  War,  all  the 
rancour,  the  madness  of  Civil  War.  The  passions 
of  human  nature  cannot  behold  these  things  with 
indifference,  nor  readily  turn  aside  from  the  in 
viting  prospect  of  revenge;  but  it  is  the  part  of 
Wisdom,  it  is  the  duty  of  Virtue  to  confine  their 
wandering  regards,  &  direct  their  attention  to- 

o  o 

wards  the  plainer,  &  more  distinct  objects  of 
Reason. 

England   hath,  also,   been  already,  &  America* 

\ 

will  be  a  dupe,  if  she  believes  any  other  motive 


276  APPENDIX  III. 

to  actuate  those  who  have  animated  both  Con 
tenders  to  proceed  the  Lengths  they  have  gone, 
excepting  a  hope,  &  systematick  Policy  to  ex 
haust  a  Rival  whose  Power  they  dreaded,  & 
whose  wealth  they  envied. 

The  permanent  establishment  of  any  form  of 
Government  (whether  as  now,  a  confederate  Re- 
publick),  or  a  limited  monarchy  subordinate,  or 
blended  into  that  of  Great  Britain,  which  shall 
unite  the  Continent  of  North  America,  &  give 
it  activity  for  offence  &  defence,  will  equally 
meet  with  every  obstruction  which  a  Nation  the 
most  expert  in  the  delusive  wiles  of  negotiation, 
&  the  subtletys  of  Politicks  can  give  it.  Re 
collect  how  the  miserable  Race  of  Stewart  was 
cajol'd  :  while  they  were  openly  encouraged  in 
their  narrow,  half-witted  projects  to  enslave  our 
ancestors,  a  party  was  fomented  by  the  same 
breath  to  oppose  them.  For  a  long  time  the 
Country  was  convulsed  with  internal  pangs,  till 
by  a  bold  &  unexpected  effort  she  recovered 
her  Constitution,  &  expelled  her  poison.  Since 
the  Revolution,  the  unfortunate  victims  of  their 
artifice  have  been  alternately  treated  as  Kings 
&  vagabonds  as  best  suited  the  Interest  of  the 


APPENDIX  III.  277 

moment.  Have  ye  any  foundation  to  expect 
better  treatment  when  the  turn  is  served? 
"  Your  power  to  treat  is  previously  acknowl 
edged,  the  particulars  of  your  treaty  are  amply 
specified,  &  solemnly  formaliz'd."  The  House 
of  Stewart  is  allied  in  blood  to  their  monarch— 
the  treaties  with  it  were  open  &  in  the  face  of 
the  Sun,  not  a  loophole  for  a  quibble  about  their 
original  validity — how  they  have  been  regarded 
draws  a  blush  from  the  Popedom,  &  Italian 
Politician,  who  unable  to  justify  the  perfidy,  & 
esteeming  the  tie  indissoluble  even  by  the  infal 
libility  of  God's  vicar,  affords  an  asylum  &  main 
tenance  to  the  cheated  fugitives. 

The  progress  of  this  new  alliance  is  easily  fore 
seen,  &  to  be  traced  out.  For  the  present  & 
for  a  year  or  two  to  come,  ye  will  obtain  the 
most  ample  promises,  &  ready  acquiescence. 
Then  will  come  evasions  to  your  applications — 
contemptuous  delays — &  of  a  sudden,  a  dec 
laration  that  ye  must  shift  for  yourselves. 
England  has  been  just  served  thus,  in  hopes  of 
her  present  inability  to  resent  this  treatment — in 
that  there  may  probably  be  a  great  mistake — but 
with  respect  to  America  there  can  be  no  such 


278  APPENDIX  III. 

error,  for  when  will  she  be  able  to  combat  France, 
&  compell  her  to  adhere  to  Treaties? 

The  vast  scale  of  your  new  world,  &  the 
magnificence  of  its  scenes  fills  the  mind  with 
romantic  ideas.  As  ye  gaze  your  admiration 
encreases,  &  in  the  Language  of  Scripture,  ye 
fall  into  a  trance  having  your  eyes  open.  Ye  see 
in  visions  your  waters  cover'd  with  fleets,  your 
Forests  with  innumerable  people — the  navy  of 
England,  the  population  of  China,  &  the  accu 
mulated  industry  &  commerce  of  both  sink 
before  ye.  Ye  measure  Pigmy  Europe  with  a 
single  glance  of  the  Eye.  Ye  despise  the  servile 
effeminacy  of  Asia,  &  consider  Africa  but  as  a 
Hara  to  breed  your  slaves.  Yet  these  your  off 
springs  are  mere  embryo's  in  the  womb  of  Time, 
whose  parturition  (should  no  accident  produce 
miscarriage,  mutilation,  or  deformity)  cannot 
arrive  by  the  course  of  nature  till  ye  its  parents 
have  long  been  blended  with  the  Elements  from 
which  ye  were  composed  &  are  insensible  to  all 
the  splendour  of  this  World. 

By  all  dispassionate  observers,  the  American 
notion  of  a  present  competence  &  ability  to 
bear  the  weight  of  an  independent  Empire,  & 


APPENDIX  III.  279 

the  Scottish  plan  of  catching  two  millions  of 
People  in  a  boundless  desert  with  fifty  thousand 
men,  is  equally  absurd.  They  surpass  every 
original  exertion  of  the  human  mind  to  plan,  of 
known  Science  to  prepare,  &  of  enthusiasm  to 
carry  into  execution. 

Let  us  candidly  consider  the  state  of  affairs  in 
this  cursed  War.  It  is  not  that  America  is  so 
Powerful,  or  England  so  weak  &  exhausted, 
that  hath  so  long  suspended  the  Event.  It  is  the 
vast  extent  of  the  country,  its  wild  impenetrable 
surface,  &  the  scattered  &  scanty  subsistence 
found  in  it — Circumstances  which  should  have 
stopped  a  Ministry  endowed  with  wisdom  & 
foresight  from  attempting  to  reduce,  &  retain 
ye  by  force  of  arms  ;  had  there  been  ten  fold  the 
pretext  for  coertion  which  they  plead  ;  but  by  no 
means  sufficient  if  ye  have  wisdom,  &  foresight, 
to  indulge  the  delusion  of  continuing  an  inde 
pendent  Empire.  It  is  one  thing  to  elude  the 
Combat,  another  to  vanquish  your  adversary. 

The  maintenance  of  a  Standing  Army,  &  the 
Creation  of  a  Regular  Navy  are  not  within  the 
compass  of  an  inconsiderable  revenue  &  thinly 
peopled  country,  nor  can  attend  the  efforts  of  a 


280  APPENDIX  III. 

few  years,  be  activity  &  success  as  favorable  as 
imagination  can  paint.  Yet  without  these,  your 
rising  state  will  neither  be  in  a  capacity  to  secure 
jtself  from  hostile  savages,  acquire  new  alliances, 
or  preserve  to  any  beneficial  purpose,  that  which 
is  already  formed.  Your  seaport  towns  at  the 
mercy  of  an  enemy  will  be  too  insecure  a  deposit 
for  the  constituent  stores  of  your  commerce,  & 
the  navigation  so  precarious  as  to  sink  allmost  all 
the  profit.  Yet  with  all  these  disadvantages  ob 
viated,  it  takes  a  long  time  to  acquire  a  rank 
amongst  nations  ;  nay,  it  seems  impossible,  when 
we  enumerate  them,  to  seize  at  once  on  any  lead 
ing  principle  which  shall  embrace  those  very  ma 
terial  circumstances,  which  Time  &  Custom  has 
given  the  older  states,  in  Guaranty,  in  Commer 
cial  treaties,  in  tacit  Conventions,  &  a  reciprocal 
intendment,  of  each  others  laws,  temper  &  extent 
of  Power,  &  which  usually  acquiesc'd  in  as  of 
course — being  dangerous  to  discuss.  Ye  may  ex 
ist  indeed  uncertainly  as  corsairs  and  interlopers, 
but  cannot  for  years  we  shall  not  live  to  see,  as  a 
Regular  commercial  state.  Some,  deceived  by 
Parliamentary  speeches,  misrepresented  in  Print, 
&  originally  the  ebullition  of  party  violence 


APPENDIX  III.  281 

&  passionate  dispute,  may  think  that  England 
must  acknowledge  your  independence  ;  depend 
upon  it  that,  even  tho'  there  should  be  a  man 
bold  enough  really  to  expose  it,  it  is  a.  false  light. 
Nor  can  the  acknowledgement  be  binding  to 
Posterity.  A  people  may  authorize  their  repre 
sentatives  to  regulate  the  exercise  of  an  inherent 
right,  but  cannot  other  than  superficially  &  in 
terms  absolutely  alienate  that  right  unless  by  in 
dividually  consenting  thereto.  Our  title  to  the 
Empire  is  indisputable,  &  will  be  asserted  either 
by  ourselves  or  successors  whenever  occasion 
presents.  We  may  stop  a  while  in  our  pursuit  to 
recover  breath,  but  shall  assuredly  resume  our 
career  again. 

The  prudence  of  your  deliberations,  the  perfec 
tion  in  their  execution,  the  steadiness  of  your  de 
fence,  the  Spirit  with  which  your  people  have 
been  inspired,  &  the  Laws  which  ye  have  insti 
tuted  indicate  a  wisdom  too  calm,  too  profound 
to  impute  your  conduct  to  those  motives,  which 
the  Promoters  of  the  War  attribute  it  to — an 
original  Scheme  of  yours  to  renounce  all  allegi 
ance  to  the  Mother  Country,  conceived  even 
while  she  was  bleeding  with  Glorious  wounds  in 


282  APPENDIX  III. 

your  defence,  and  a  determination  to  sacrifice  the 
many  actual  benefits  ye  were  ever  possessed  of, 
&  to  the  wildest  of  all  Utopian  projects.  I  am 
one  who  do  not  believe  that  your  declaration  of 
independency  and  your  alliance  to  France  is  the 
Result  of  such  a  premeditated  Scheme,  but  have 
arisen  from  the  necessity  of  providing  every  se 
curity,  and  employing  every  means  of  resistance 
ye  could  devise  when  driven  to  those  last  stakes 
by  the  Perfidy,  the  narrowness  of  mind,  the  over 
bearing  injustice  and  the  peevish  violence  of  tem 
per  of  those  who  have  for  some  years  past  mis 
managed  the  affairs  of  the  Empire.  If  these 
things  are  as  I  have  conceived,  now  seems  the 
time  to  rid  both  us  &  you  of  this  malign  influ 
ence,  &  to  provide  securities  that  none  shall  be 
able  to  practice  hereafter  (however  they  may 
hold  forth  in  speech  or  in  writing)  such  diabolical 
systems  of  Government. 

I  do  not  at  all  guess  what  are  American  views, 
nor  what  will  please  her ;  but  thus  much  seems 
certain,  that  if,  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  pro 
posals  for  accommodation  came  from  thence,  the 
Crown  must  attend  to  them,  &  the  Ministers  act 
bona  fide  thereupon,  be  they  who  they  will,  as 


APPENDIX  III.  283 

they  will  be  strictly  &  severely  watched  by  every 
order  in  the  State.  It  is  sincerely  to  be  hoped 
that  the  happy  event  of  Peace  and  reunion  may 
not  be  the  work  of  any  mere  Party,  or  Junto — 
but  arise  from  that  aggregated  support  which 
the  sense  of  so  great  a  General  benefit  should 
produce — indeed  the  Leaders  on  all  sides  have  in 
the  course  of  this  complicated  dispute  &  in  the 
heat  of  argument,  so  often  pledged  themselves  to 
insist  on  some  conditions,  and  oppose  others, 
which  on  a  cool  revision,  &  further  investigation, 
their  reasons  must  condemn  ;  that  they  would 
probably  be  glad  to  save  the  imputation  of 
inconsistency  in  avoiding  to  be  the  first  movers, 
though  they  would  readily  be  the  supporters  of  a 
different  system.  Since  then,  as  ye  think,  ye 
cannot  safely  trust  administration,  &  its  Emis 
saries;  since  opposition  cannot  procure  compli 
ance  with  your  terms,  not  having  the  confidence 
of  the  People  to  aid  its  efforts  ;  why  not  offer 
some  conditions  directly  to  the  King  himself.  It 
is  totally  impossible,  &  ever  was,  to  arrange  a 
controversy  of  such  a  nature,  by  the  meeting  of 
Commissioners  who  peremptorily  demand  on  one 
side,  &  assume  the  tone  of  command  on  the 


2 64  APPENDIX  III. 

other,  without  the  trace  of  any  outline  of  the 
Negotiation — when  the  substance  is  known,  the 
formality  is  soon  finished — but  to  begin  with  the 
latter,  is  only  foolishly  to  complicate  the  dispute 
still  more,  &  excite  fresh  aggravations. 

I  shall  take  it  for  granted  that  America  is  will 
ing  to  treat,  provided  she  can  have  the  most 
ample  security  for  the  due  performance  of  the 
Contract  which  shall  be  agreed  on,  &  on  that 
consideration  will  undertake  through  a  most 
eligible  mediator  to  transmit  into  the  King's  own 
hands  any  proposals  on  your  part  which  are  not 
couched  in  offensive  terms,  to  return  the  answer 
if  there  shall  be  any,  &  if  they  arc  slighted  to 
lav  them  before  Parliament  earlv  in  the  ensuing 

J  *  o 

session.  As  to  the  treatment  of  them  there,  or 
of  those  who  reject  or  employ  any  tricking  arti 
fices  about  them,  that  must  depend  on  the  reason 
&  equity  which  pervades  your  proposals  ;  they 
will  have  a  fair  tryal  by  English  good  sense, 
English  Honor  &  English  Justice,  which  have 
not  quite  abandoned  the  Island,  tho'  a  little  out 
of  fashion  in  the  neighborhood  of  St.  James's  as 
some  of  your  Friends  say. 

It  matters  very  little   for  you  in  this  state  of 


APPEXDIX  III.  285 

busyness  to  indulge  your  curiosity  in  knowing 
who  I  am.  I  can  serve  you  more  effectually 
while  invisible  ;  if  /  succeed  perhaps  I  may  never 
reveal  myself;  if  I  fail,  surely  my  intentions 
merit  some  consideration  from  men  professing 
Patriotism.  I  therefore  must  insist  that,  by 
printing  or  publishing  this  paper,  or  by  any  other 
manner,  you  do  not  point  me  out  as  a  mark  for 
witlings  to  whet  their  boars  teeth  upon,  nor 
Rogues  to  spit  their  venom  on,  and  this  is  our 
first  condition.  If  you  will  keep  it,  &  think  the 
profferr'd  occasion  worth  your  notice,  you  will 
specify  your  Preliminaries  in  writing  ;  &  mak 
ing  use  of  some  plausible  pretext  for  that  pur 
pose,  carry  them  yourself  to  the  Cathedral  Church 
of  Notre  Dame  between  the  hours  of  twelve  at 
noon  and  one  ;  either  on  Monday  the  6th  of  July 
instant,  or  on  Thursday  the  Qth  of  July  (6  or  9 
July).  If  the  iron  gates  on  eitJier  side  of  the 
choir  are  open  you  will  enter  &  there  find  a 
gentleman  who  has  no  idea  of  the  nature  of  his 
commission,  so  do  riot  give  him  any  suspicions 
by  taking  extraordinary  notice  of  him.  He 
looks  upon  it  as  an  intrigue,  &  has  promised  to 
convey  the  packet  he  finds  to  me,  &  to  conceal 


286  APPENDIX  III. 

my  real  name  whatever  extraordinary  circum 
stances  may  happen,  &  I  am  quite  certain  I 
can  trust  him  even  tho'  he  discovers  what  he 
has  been  employed  about.  You  will  ascertain 
my  Friend  by  his  having  a  Paper  in  his  hands  as 
if  drawing  or  taking  notes  ;  on  any  one  coming 
near  him,  he  will  either  huddle  it  up  precipitately 
or,  folding  it  up,  tear  it  with  an  appearance  of 
peevishness  &  walk  away  ;  at  that  very  altar 
where  he  stood,  place  your  packet  within  reach, 
or  if  there  is  noSody  else  near,  throw  it  on  the 
ground  &  walk  away  instantly.  Dont,  if  you 
can  avoid  it,  let  even  him  see  that  it  is  you  that 
bring  it,  much  less  anybody  else  ;  as  soon  as  he 
sees  the  coast  clear  he  will  return  to  look  for  the 
packet  as  often  as  these  circumstances,  of  his 
having  been  interrupted  thus,  happen,  &  what 
he  finds  seal'd  up  and  directed  a  Monsr. — Monsr. 
le  Comte  de  Weissenstein  a  Spa,  Allemagne,  you 
may  be  certain  will  be  safely  &  faithfully  deliv- 
er'd.  The  same  hand  which  conveys  this  to  you 
delivers  him  precise  correspondent  instructions. 
If  the  iron  gates  above  mentioned  happen  to 
be  shut  you  will  find  him  in  the  aile  of  the  right 
hand  on  going  in  ;  on  the  same  side  (if  I  mistake 


APPENDIX  ///.  287 

not)  where  the  statue  of  St.  Christopher  is.  For 
your  more  certain  guidance  I  have  desired  him  to 
stick  a  Rose  either  in  his  hat,  which  he  will  hold 
in  his  hand  up  to  his  face,  or  else  in  the  button 
hole  of  his  waistcoat,  either  of  which  will  be  re 
markable  enough  with  the  other  circumstances.* 

You,  Sir,  are  the  best  judge  of  the  extent  of 
your  present  powers,  &  your  Influence  in 
America  ;  with  whom  to  consult,  &  in  what  form 
to  couch  your  conditions,  I  would  not  pretend  to 
direct — yet  in  the  sincerity  of  my  heart,  propose 
the  enclosed  ;  whether  you  adopt  them  or  not, 
will  not  alter  a  Jot  in  my  Conduct — there  is  one 
thing  however,  too  material  not  to  insist 
strongly  upon,  &  that  is,  not  to  permit  your 
offers  to  transpire  untill  Preliminaries  are  ac 
tually  concluded  on  or  the  negotiation  actually 
broken  off.  A  different  conduct  empowered 
your  Enemies  to  turn  your  last  famous  petition 
to  the  King  against  you  &  in  their  way  prove 
its  insincerity  &  insidious  intention  only  to 
inflame  Faction,  &  excite  sedition. 

If  America  is  finally,  &  irrevokeably  determined 
to  stake  everything  on  its  independence — there 

*  Nobody  whatever  is  privy  to  this. 


255  APPENDIX  III. 

is  nothing  left  but  to  play  out  this  deep  game — 
all  good  men  on  both  sides  will  pathetically 
lament,  that  the  Freedom  of  both  countries 
depends  on  so  precarious  a  speculation,  We 
trembling  with  apprehension,  at  the  irresistible 
influence,  &  power  of  corruption,  which  must 
accede  to  the  Crown,  if  we  conquer — &  for  you 
to  lose  all  the  ties  of  personal  Friendship,  or 
family  connection,  &  the  heart  felt  prejudices  of 
Education,  similarity  of  manners,  &  of  speech — 
to  unite  with  strangers  who  heartily  despise  you 
already,  &  ever  will  despise  those  who  have 
neither  nobility,  nor  a  profusion  of  wealth — &  to 
be  obliged  to  submit  to  the  supercilious  haughti 
ness  of  those  whose  language  is  different,  whose 
principles  of  Laws  &  Government  are  funda 
mentally  &  diametrically  opposite  to  yours — 
&  whose  religion  hath  ever  been  invariably, 
directly,  &  essentially,  in  practice  as  in  Doctrine, 
the  persecutor  the  compulsive  Tyrant  over  that 
which  prevails  amongst  you. 

And  now,  Sir,  I  will  take  my  leave  of  you,  con 
fiding  on  your  Personal  honor,  &  that  of  the 
country  which  you  represent,  that  if  you  do  not 
chuse  to  accept  my  offers,  &  are  not  in  earnest 


APPENDIX  III.  289 

to  bring  about  this  reconciliation,  or  if  you  have 
enter'd  into  a  negotiation  with  England  by  other 
means  ;  that  you  will  instantly  destroy  these 
papers,  &  make  no  use  of  them  disadvantageous 
to  him  whom  I  have  employed  on  this  errant, 
nor  to  me — in  case  you  send  any  terms,  dont  be 
impatient  to  hear  what  has  been  done  with 
them — there  are  many  Circumstances  of  time 
&  opportunity  which  must  be  managed  &  which 
cannot  be  previously  foreseen — Sufficeth  it,  you 
can  but  stand  in  the  same  place  you  do  now, 
whatever  part  Ministry  or  Parliament  take. 

Your  humble  servant  &  well  wisher  to  all  men 
of  sincere  &  liberal  minds  &  a  friend  of  liberty, 
CHARLES  DE  WEISSEXSTEIN. 

Bruxelles,  June  16,  17/8. 

In  the  first  paper  of  18  articles  devoted  to  prelimi 
naries  for  peace  and  other  proceedings,  the  following 
only  are  worth  copying  : 

ARTICLE  6. 

As  the  conspicious  publick  Part  some  Ameri 
can  gentlemen  have  taken  may  expose  them  to  the 
personal  enmity  of  some  of  the  chief  persons  in 
Great  Britain,  &  as  it  is  unreasonable  that  their 
services  to  their  country  should  deprive  them  of 


29°  APPENDIX  III. 

those  advantages  which  their  talents  would  other 
wise  have  gained  them  ;  the  following  Persons 
shall  have  offices  or  Pensions  for  Life  at  their 
option — according  to  the  sums  opposite  their 
respective  names. 

Messieurs         Adams 

Hancock 
Washington 
Franklin 
etc.  etc.  etc. 

In  case  his  Majesty,  or  His  successors,  shall 
ever  create  American  Peers,  then  these  persons, 
or  their  descendants,  shall  be  among  the  first 
created  if  they  chuse  it.  Mr.  Washington  to  have 
immediately  the  Brevet  of  Lieut.  General  &  all 
the  honors  &  precedence  incident  thereto,  but 
not  to  assume  or  bear  any  command  without  a 
special  warrant  or  letter  of  service  for  that  pur 
pose  from  the  King. 

In  the  paper  of  13  articles  "for  the  future  gov 
ernment  of  North  America,"  occurs  the  following 
article  : 

ARTICLE  10. 

The  British  Manufactures  shall  always  have  the 
preference  over  those  of  all  other  nations,  nor 


APPENDIX  III.  291 

shall  any  new  taxes  ever  be  imposed  upon  them 
without  previous  consent  of  the  British  Parlia 
ment. 

Franklin,  in  reply  to  these  documents,  composed 
an  answer,  which,  however,  was  never  sent.  A  copy 
of  this  in  his  handwriting,  and  sent  to  the  Count  de 
Yergennes,  is  on  file  in  the  French  archives.  The 
reader  will  find  the  letter  printed  in  the  late  edition 
of  Franklin's  works  edited  by  Mr.  John  Bigelow. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  John,  party  leader  in 
Massachusetts,  18  ;  criticism 
of,  28  ;  appointed  commis 
sioner  at  Paris,  126  ;  sup 
ports  (General  Gates,  192  ; 
State-rights  Party  leader, 
194  ;  member  of  party  op 
posed  to  French  influence, 
215  ;  chagrined  by  Frank 
lin's  appointment  as  minis 
ter,  221  ;  letter  to  Ver- 
gennes,  221  ;  chosen  as  peace 
commissioner,  222;  his  am 
bition,  222  ;  reaches  France, 
223  ;  defends  the  alliance, 
223  ;  declaims  against 
France,  223,  note  ;  his  vari 
ous  vie\vs  contrasted,  224  ; 
thinks  France  under  obliga 
tions  to  America,  224  et  seq.; 
correspondence  with  Ver- 
gennes,  223,  227,  230  ;  on 
prejudice,  230;  Vergennes's 
opinion  of,  232  et  seq.;  ac 
tions  disapproved  by  Con 
gress,  234  ;  dismissed  by 
Vergennes,  234;  goes  to  Hol 
land,  234  ;  opposed  by  Ver 
gennes,  235,  236  ;  his  pa 
triotism,  236,  237;  arrival  in 
Paris  on  peace  mission,  237, 
note;  not  recognized  by  Ver 
gennes,  237,  note  ;  faculty 
for  making  war,  238,  note; 
anonymous  proposition  of 
pension  or  office  for,  288 


j  Adams,  Samuel,  165,  238  ; 
supports  Arthur  Lee  in  Con 
gress,  126  (^  associated  with 
Paine,  136  ;  supports  Gen 
eral  Gates,  192^  State-rights 
party  leader,  194  ;  alleged 
friendship  with  Temple,  197, 
198;  writes  to  Rayneval,  199;^ 
distrusted  by  Ka>neval,  199  ;•/ 
independence  of  French  in-, 
terests,  200  ^anecdote,  200, 
note  ;  opposition  to  French 
influence,  202  et  seq.;  tie 
between  h'ni  and  Arthur 
Lee,  203  ;  '  storm  raised  } 
against  him  in  Boston,  209  ; 
leader  of  party  opposed  to 
French  influence,  215  ';  op 
position  to  Washington, 
234,  235  ;  Luzerne's  opinion 
of,  240  ;  nominates  Arthur 
Lee  as  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  241  ;  patriotism  un 
doubted,  249 

Aiguillon,  Due  d',  prime  min 
ister  to  Louis  XV.,  32 

"  American  Beaufort,"  the,  19 

American  Colonies.  See  COLO- 
NIKS  ;  UNITED  STATES. 

American  Colonists.  See  AMER 
ICANS. 

American  Commission  at  Paris 
dissolved,  221 

American  Commissioners  write 
to  Vergennes,  127  et  Sfq.  J 
empowered  to  settle  with 


293 


294 


INDEX. 


AmericanCommissioners  —  Con 

tinued. 

Beaumarchais,  127  ;    instruc 

tions    from     Committee    of 

Commerce,  128 
American      peers,     anonymous 

proposition  for  creating,  290 
American    reverses    discourage 

France,  115 
Americans,   physical    condition 

of,  29;  determination  of,  51 
American  stiuggle  more  fierce 

in   London  than  in  Boston, 

53,  54 

"  Americus,"  257 

"  Amphitrite,"  the,  sails  for 
America,  106  ;  returns  to 
Nantes,  106  ;  lands  cargo  of 
indigo  at  L'Orient,  116 

Anglicans,  in  Pennsylvania, 
monarchical  sympathizers,  20 

Arms,  American,  15 

Army,  strength,  24,  51  ;  condi 
tion  and  discipline,  24  ;  short 
term  of  enlistment,  24  ;  far 
mers  and  merchants  as  offi 
cers,  24;  suffers  at  hands  of 


Administration,    17 


peti 


tions  for  publicity  of  proceed 
ings  of  Congress  in  relation  to 
the  war,  198;  patriotism,  201; 
extension  of  power  dreaded, 
204  ;  sufferings  of,  217  et 
seq.  ;  difficulty  of  maintain 
ing,  243,  244  ;  bantering  be 
tween  American  and  French 
soldiers,  250 
Assignats,  value  of,  260 
B  ncroft,  Dr.,  charged  to  have 
been  in  England's  pay  as  spy, 
93,  note 

Bancroft,  George,  on  Adams's 
appointment  as  peace  com 
missioner,  222  ;  account  of 
John  Adams's  mission  to 
Paris,  237,  note 


"  Barber  of  Seville,"  40 

Barcelona,  assisted  by  France, 
in  rebellion  against  Spain,  70 

Barclay  revises  Beaumarchais's 
accounts,  151  ;  Consul-gen 
eral  sent  to  Paris,  151  ;  in 
structed  to  revise  Beaumar 
chais's  accounts,  151 

Beaumarchais,  Caron  de,  ren 
ders  valuable  assistance  to 
Vergennes,  37  ;  engaged  in 
special  mission  for  Louis 
XVI.,  37  ;  family  name,  38; 
how  ennobled,  38;  birth  and 
early  life,  38;  an  inventor, 
38;  musical  talents,  38;  re 
lations  with  Clavijo,  39; 
charge  of  conspiracy  against, 
39;  dramatic  compositions, 
39,  40;  engages  in  slave 
trade,  40;  tried  for  bribery 
and  impiisoned,  40;  in  secret 
service  of  Louis  XV.,  40;  re 
covers  correspondence  from 
Chevalier  d'Eon,4i;frequents 
John  Wilkes's  house,  and 
uses  information  there 
gained,  42;  intimacy  with 
Lord  Rochford,  40,  42;  tact 
in  obtaining  information  for 
French  government,  42,  43; 
Doniol's  opinion  of  him,  42; 
fervent  advocacy  of  American 
cause,  48;  undertakes  to  con 
vince  Louis  XVI.  of  import 
ance  of  interference,  49;  re 
port  on  condition  of  England 
and  the  Colonies,  5°  et  seq.; 
secret  journey  from  England 
to  France,  50;  opinion  of 
English  liberty,  53;  impa 
tience,  55,  56;  letter  to  Ver 
gennes,  56,  57;  plans  for  se 
cret  aid  to  Colonies,  57,  82, 
83,  87,  earnest  address  to 
Louis  XVI.,  59  et  seq.; 


INDEX. 


295 


Beaumarchais — Continued. 
Sainte  Beuve's  opinion  of 
his  arguments  to  Louis 
XVI.,  78,  791  concern  about 
losing  French  West  Indian 
possessions,  80  et  seq. ;  ar 
gues  for  help  to  Colonies 
as  a  measure  of  economy  for 
France,  82;  ability  as  diplo 
mat,  85;  understanding  with 
Vergennes  as  to  aid  10  Colo 
nies,  87,  83;  risks  run  by 
him,  83 ;  receipts  for  the  dis 
puted  million  francs,  89;  re 
sponsible  to  French  Govern 
ment  for  disbursements  of 
funds,  90;  pseudo  firm  estab 
lished,  90,  91;  limited  scheme 
at  first,  91;  cipher  corre 
spondence  with  Lee,  94;  in 
terview  with  Deaue  and 
agreement,  95  et  scq. ;  agrees 
to  Colonies'  terms  of  pay 
ment,  etc.,  97;  expresses  be 
lief  in  American  integrity, 
97,  117;  letter  to  Congress, 
98  et  seq.;  diligence  and  se 
crecy  in  supplying  war  ma 
terial,  101;  supervises  first 
expedition  personally,  105; 
betrayed  by  the  "  Barber  of 
Seville,"  105;  succeeds  in 
getting  ships  released,  106; 
wrath  with  Ducoudray,  106; 
expedition  sails  and  ar 
rives  at  Portsmouth,  107  ; 
commencement  of  disap 
pointments,  109;  Lee  maia- 
.  tains  to  Congress  that  Beau 
marchais  has  no  right  to  be 
paid  for  assistance,  no;  but 
dares  not  impeach  his  charac 
ter,  Hi;  Franklin  prejudiced 
against,  112;  distrusted  by 
Congress,  113;  his  cruel  po 
sition,  114;  entangles  others 


Beaumarchais — Continued. 
in  scheme,  114;  appeals 
vainly  to  Congress,  114;  Ver 
gennes  comes  to  his  rescue, 
115;  sends  De  Francyto  ar 
range  matters  with  United 
Sta  es,  115;  discouraged  by 
obstacles,  115,  116;  indigna 
tion  against  American  depu 
ties,  iiG;  condemns  Lee, 
ny,  T39>  J41;  lends  money 
to  Deane,  117,  note;  enthusi 
asm  in  the  American  cause, 
118;  contract  with  United 
States,  nget  seq.;  how  he 
drew  supplies  from  French 
arsenals,  133;  covertly  in 
dorsed  by  French  govern 
ment,  134;  thanked  by  Con 
gress,  134;  express  prom'se 
made  by  Congress  to  dis 
charge  debt,  134,  151;  equips 
a  fleet,  138;  sends  accounts  to 
De  Francy,  138;  his  enemies, 
143;  cause  of  Dubourg's  en 
mity,  143  et  scq.;  satirical 
letter  to  Dubourg,  146  et 
seq. ;  refuses  revision  of  ac 
count,  but  finally  yields,  151; 
urges  payment  of  claim,  151; 
addresses  sharp  letter  to  Con 
gress,  152;  brought  in  a 
debtor  to  United  States,  153; 
driven  into  exile  in  Ham 
burg,  154;  bequeaths  claims 
to  his  daughter,  1 54;  dies, 155; 
accounts  finally  settled,  156; 
character,  156  et  seq.;  letter 
from  President  of  Congress 
to,  268;  letter  from  Deane  to, 
270;  bequest  of  his  daughter 
to  United  States,  271 

Benezet,    interview   with   Ray- 
neval,  182,  183 

Bonvonloir,   sails  for  America 
i;   report  of  conference  with 


Bonvouloir  — Continued. 

Secret  Correspondence  Com 
mittee,  2  et  seq. ;  stormy 
passage  to  America,  1 1 ; 
answer  to  Secret  Council, 
13 

Boston,  siege,  2  ,  evacuation, 
12;  the  "head  and  heart" 
of  Massachusetts,  18  ;  opin 
ion  of  the  French  in,  18  ; 
English  tone  in,  18  ;  influ 
ence  of  commercial  spirit 
and  luxurious  tastes  in,  1 8  ; 
strength  of  besieging  force, 
50  ;  distress  of  British  army 
in,  50,  51  ;  aversion  to  pop 
ular  government,  169  ;  thea 
ter  of  French  opposition  par 
ty,  203  ;  interest  in  Fisher- 
L-S  Question,  253 

Bowdoin,  party  leader  in  Mas 
sachusetts,  1 8 

"  Brother  Jonathan,"  243 

Buckingham,  Lord,  English 
party  leader,  76 

Burgoyne,  surrender  of,  118 

Burke,  Edmund,  sympathizes 
with  Americans,  36,  37 

Cad  walader,  John , opposes  G ov. 
Livingston,  20 

"Calculation,"  166,  176 

Calvinists,  restrictions  against, 

157 
Camden,  Gates's  defeat  at,  241, 

242 
Canada.cession  to  England,  31; 

invasion    of,    cause   of  party 

disputes,  195 
Carolina,       militia        engaged 

against  Dunmore,  6 
Caron,  Pierre-Augustine.     See 

BEAUMARCHAIS. 

Carthaginians,  Massachusetts 
republicans  likened  to,  18 

Catalonia,  rebellion  against 
Spain,  70 


Cayugas,  form  alliance  with 
Americans,  16 

Charles  I.,  Richelieu's  share  in 
his  overthrow,  69 

Charleston,  corrupted  by  the 
tiading  spirit,  22  ;  poorly 
fortified,  22  ;  in  English  pos 
session,  232 

Chatham,  Earl  of,  sympathizes 
with  Americans,36,  37  ;  pro 
bable  result  of  his  supplant 
ing  Lord  North,  54  ;  dispo 
sition  toward  France,  81 

Chaumont,  M.  de,  conversa 
tion  with  John  Adams,  224  et 
seq. ;  forwards  report  to  Ver- 
gennes,  224 

Choiseul,  Due  de,  foments  the 
Revolutionary  spirit,  32  ;  his 
information  turned  to  ac 
count  by  Vergennes,  36 

Clavijo,  Jose,  engaged  to  Beau- 
marchais's  sister,  39  ;  this  re 
lation  ruptured,  and  restored 
by  Bcaumarchais,  39  ;  plots 
against  Beaumarchais,  39  ; 
banished  from  the  Spanish 
court,  39 

Climate,  effect  on  physical  con 
dition  of  people,  29 

Clothing,  high  cost  of,  27, 
262 

Colonies,  find  foreign  protec 
tion  necessary  on  the  seas,  6; 
characteristics  of,  17  ;  senti 
ments  of  the  people  of,  17  ; 
irritation  of,against  England, 
32  ;  ordered  to  trade  exclus 
ively  with  England, 32;  Beau- 
marchais's  opinion  that  they 
are  lost  to  England,  51,  53 

Colonists,  delight  and  gratitude 
of,  on  receipt  of  first  consign 
ment  of  munitions,  107 

Commerce  and  Finance  com 
pared,  58 


INDEX. 


297 


Commerce,  importance  of  pro 
tecting  Colonial,  10 

Commeicial  scheme  for  aiding 
Colonies,  57,  58 

Commercial  spirit,  influence  on 
love  of  independence,  18,  22 

Commi>sion  on  purchases  for 
United  States,  125 

Committee  of  Commerce,  120, 
123,  127,  128 

Committee  on  army  matters, 
219,  220 

Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs 
in  dilemma  about  payment 
for  supplies,  in 

Committees  of  Congress,  found 
objectionable,  239,  240 

Congress,  Committee  on  Secret 
Correspondence,  I  ;  treach 
ery  in,  4;  report  on, to  French 
government,  22  ;  divisions 
in,  22  ;  strong  influence  of 
personal  animosities  in,  22, 
23  ;  its  outspoken  patriotism, 
26  ;  bribes  recommended  for 
leaders  in,  28  ;  sends  Beau- 
marchais's  contract  to  Amer 
ican  Commissioners  at  Paris, 
for  information,  126  ;  ex 
pressly  promises  to  pay  debt 
to  Beaumarchais,  134  ;  se 
cret  sessions,  135,  162,  198  ; 
no  record  of  debates,  135  ; 
takes  offense  at  Beaumar- 
chais's  letter,  153  ;  submits 
accounts  to  Lee,  153  ;  orders 
new  investigation  of  ac 
counts,  153  ;  discusses  Ray- 
neval's  reception,  164  ;  Ray- 
neval's  opinion  of,  164  et 
seq.,  169  ;  party  spirit  in, 
164  ;  aristocratic  tendencies 
in,  164,  165  ;  pay  of  mem 
bers,  168  ;  effect  of  small 
remuneration,  168  ;  rotation 
in  office,  169  ;  Southern  in- 


Congress — Continued. 

fluence  in,  171  ;  members 
summarily  removed,  172  ; 
limitations  of  power  of,  171, 
172  ;  Rayneval  s  criticism  on 
qualifications  of  members, 
174,  175  ;  as  the  universal 
merchant,  175  ;  factions  in, 
192  ;  unwilling  to  treat  for 
peace  without  consent  of 
France,  206  ;  praises  France, 
209  ;  publicly  thanks  Rayne 
val,  210,  2ii  ;  sends  testi 
monial  to  Louis  XVI.,  211, 
212  ;  appoints  committee  to 
examine  army  matters,  219 
etseq.;  fixes  value  of  paper 
dollar,  225  ;  disapproves 
John  Adams's  actions,  234  ; 
in  discredit  with  the  people, 
235  ;  approves  Adams's  po 
sition  on  paper  money,  237, 
note  ;  committees,  found  ob 
jectionable,  239,  240  ;  rule  as 
to  tenure  of  seats,  249  ;  diffi 
culty  in  sitting  within  muni 
cipal  jurisdiction,  260,  261 

Connecticut,  report  on,  to 
French  government,  19  ; 
people  rendered  irreconcil 
able  by  English  barbarities, 
19;  "the  brains  of  the 
State,"  19  ;  views  in  regard  to 
peace,  242;  Rayneval's  opin 
ion  of,  243 

Continental  money,  deprecia 
tion  of,  27,  225 

Convenient  religion,  a,  181,  182 

Conway,  Thomas,  102  ;  made  a 
scapegoat  in  the  cabal  against 
Washington,  191,  193 

Cooper,  Dr.,  defends  Count 
d'Estaing,  igo ;  Rayneval 
hires  his  pen,  190 

Cornwallis,  capitulation  of,  253; 
Franklin's  letter  on,  253 


298 


INDEX. 


Cost  of  Beaumarchais's  ship 
ments,  how  to  be  stated,  121 

Credit,     agreement   as    to,    by 

.      United  States,  96,  97 

Cromwell,  assisted  by  Riche 
lieu,  69 

Dancing,  166,  167 

Danton,  letter  from  Paine,  258 

"  Date  obolum  Belisario,"  154 

Daymons,  city  librarian  at  Phil 
adelphia,  3  ;  introduces  Bon- 
vouloir  to  Secret  Correspond 
ence  Committee,  3 

Deane,  Silas,  envoy  to  Paris,  16; 
ruined  by  Lee,  92,  in,  112  ; 
American  commissioner  at 
Paris,  92  ;  supplants  Lee,  94, 
95  ;  interview  with  Beaumar- 
chais,  and  agreement,  95  et 
seq.;  accepts  Beaumavchais's 
conditions,  97  ;  embarrassed 
by  American  silence,  109  ; 
letter  to  Secret  Committee  in 
praise  of  Beaumarchais,  loS  \ 
acts  with  Franklin  independ 
ently  of  Lee,  in;  uses  influ 
ence  in  favor  of  Beaumarchais^ 
against  Franklin,  116,  117  ;• 
borrows  money  of  Beaumar 
chais,  117,  note  ;  recalled. 
126;  discredited  by  American 
commissioners,  131;  attacked 
by  Paine,  135;  complimented 
by  Beaumarchais,  140;  ad 
justs  accounts,  151  ;  pamph 
let  by,  198 

De  Francy.     See  FRANCY,  DE. 

De  Kalb.     See  KALB,  DE. 

De  la  Fayette.  See  LAFA 
YETTE. 

De  la  Luzerne.  See  LUZERNE, 
DE  LA. 

Delarue,  Eugenie,  daughter  of 
Beaumarchais,  bequeathed  to 
United  States,  154;  arrives 
at  Washington  to  prosecute 


Delarue, Eugenie — Continued. 
claims,  156;  claim  finally  set 
tled,  156  ;  addresses  Congress 
about  claim,  267  ;  documents 
produced  by,  to  support 
claim,  268 

Delaware,  supports  Washington 
in  Congress,  opposition  to 
Eastern  Party,  23  ;  in  league 
with  New  England  States, 
238 

Delaware  Indians,  interview 
with  Rayneval,  186 

De  Lomenie.  See  LOMENIK,  DE. 

De  Marbois.   See  MARBOIS,  DE. 

Denmark  in  league  against 
England,  226 

Denunciation,  in  French  Revo 
lution,  263 

De  Rayneval.  See  RAYNEVAL, 
DE. 

De  Vergennes.  See  VERGEN 
NES. 

Dickinson,  John,  member  of 
Committee  on  Secret  Cor 
respondence,  16  ;  opposes 
Gov.  Livingston,  20 

Doniol,  estimate  of  Beaumar 
chais's  character,  42  ;  charges 
Lee  and  Bancroft  to  have 
been  in  English  pay,  93,  note 

Draft  recommended,  27 

Drayton,  William  Henry,  on 
Committee  of  Commerce,  120, 
123,  126 

Dubourg,  Dr., prejudices  Frank 
lin  against  Beaumarchais, 
112  and  note,  149  ;  enemy  of 
Beaumarchais,  141,  143  et 
seq. ;  letter  to  Vergennes, 
144  et  seq. ;  estimate  of  Beau 
marchais,  144  etseq.;  satiri 
cal  letter  from  Beaumarchais, 
146  et  seq. 

Ducoudray,  engineer  officer, 
102;  compels  the"Amphi- 


INDEX. 


299 


Ducoudray — Continued. 

trite  "to  return,  106  ;  Beau- 
marchais's  wrath,  and  letter 
to,  106,  107;  enemy  of  Beau 
marchais,  113,  141;  d: owned, 
143  ;  Lafayette's  estimate  of, 
143 

Duelling,  Rayneval's  views  of, 
187 

Duer,  William,  on  Committee 
of  Commerce,  120,  123,  126 

Dumourier,  262 

Dunkirk,  England's  power  in, 
by  Treaty  of  1763,  31 

Dunmore,  Lord,  commandant 
in  Virginia,  5  :  emancipation 
proclamation  for  negroes,  6  ; 
fortifies  Norfolk,  6;  defeated 
by  Virginians,  6 

Duponceau,  Steuben's  secre 
tary,  200,  note ;  anecdote, 
200,  note 

Du  Verney,  Paris,  relations 
with  Beaumarchais,  39 

Eastern  Party,  of  what  com 
posed,  22;  principles,  23 

Eastern  States,  affected  superi 
ority  of,  203  et  seq. 

Eastern  supremacy  at  beginning 
of  Revolution,  24 

Ecole  Militaire,  39 

Ellery,  William,  on  Committee 
of  Commerce,  120,  123,  126 

Emancipation  offered  to  slaves 
by  English,  22 

Engineers  needed  by  Colonies, 
8,  13;  enlisted  in  France, 

102 

England,  the  natural  enemy 
of  France,  46,  63;  intestinal 
trouble?,  51,  52;  arraigned  by 
Beaumarchais,  63  et  seq. ; 
humiliates  France,  65;  greed 
for  France's  colonial  posses 
sions,  74;  despair  of  retain 
ing  Colonies,  75 


English  half-heartedness  in  the 
war,  176,  177 

Eon,  Chevalier  d',  his  curious 
character,  40  ;  goes  to  St. 
Petersburg  disguised  as  a 
woman,  41  ;  compromising 
correspondence  wiih  Louis 
XV. ,41;  this  correspondence 
recovered  by  Beaumarchais, 
41;  wonderful  alternation  of 
sex,  40,  41 

Esiaing,  Count  d',  confidant  of 
military  affairs,  240 

Exchange,   how  computed,  124 

Executive  Council,  election  of 
new  President,  177;  banquet 
to  celebrate,  177,  178 

Fairfield,  Conn.,  burning  of,  19 

Family  Pact,  the,  62 

Fautrelle,  Caplain,  commands 
the  "  Amphitrite,"  107 

Federal  and  State  relations,  I/O, 
171,  194 

"  Fier  Rodrigue,"  the,  138 

Finance  and  Commerce  com 
pared,  58 

Finance  Department,  difficulties 

in,  241 

I   Finances  of  the  Colonies,  17,  27 
j    Fire-engines,       improved      by 
Beaumarchais,  158 

Fishermen,  enlisted  in  the  Col 
onial  cause,  51 

Fishery  question;  194,  209,  253; 
Rayneval  on,  195;  how  influ 
ences  peace  question,  242, 

243 

j   Fleet,    equipped   by    Beaumar 
chais,  138 

Flour,  price  of,  262 

Forbes,  James,  on  Committee 
of  Commerce,  120,  123,  126 

Foreign  Affairs,  Department, 
difficulties  in,  241;  Minister 
of,  difficulty  of  appointing, 
241,  242 


;oo 


INDEX. 


Foreign  interference,  effect  of, 
feared,  7 

Forest,  Captain  Charles,  com 
mands  the  "John."  7 

Fnx,  Charles  James,  sympa 
thizes  with  Americans,  36,  37 

Fr.uice,  feelings  toward  Colo 
nies,  3,  8,  12,  14;  caution  con 
cerning  promises  of  assist 
ance,  3,  14,  15;  looked  to  for 
aid  on  the  seas,  6,  10;  re 
garded  by  Royalists  as  enemy 
of  Colonies,  25;  how  affected 
if  England  should  offer  in 
dependence,  26;  humiliated 
after  Seven  Years'  War,  31, 
65;  cedes  possessions  toEng- 
land,3i;  commerce  destroyed, 
31;  furnishes  arms  and  money 
to  Americans,  34;  England 
her  natural  enemy,  46,  63; 
policy  in  dealing  with  Colo 
nies,  48;  plans  for  secret  aid 
to  Colonies,  57;  pact  between 
Spain  and,  67  ;  fomented 
Revolution  in  England,  69, 
70  ;  dilemma  between  inter 
vention  and  non-intervention, 
79  et  seq.;  prospect  of  loss  of 
West  India  islands,  80  et  seq. ; 
motive  in  assisting  Colonies, 
g[  ;  openly  participates  in 
American  war,  141,  161;  de 
clines  to  enter  on  war  of  con 
quest  for  United  States,  195  ; 
eulogized  by  Washington, 
247;  last  loan,  251,  252;  in 
fluence  and  assistance  lead  to 
success,  252,  253;  thanks  con 
veyed  to,  253,  254 

Francy,  The'veneau  de,  Beau- 
marchais's  agent,  107,  115; 
negotiates  contract  with  Uni 
ted  States,  118,  126 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  conversa 
tions  with  Bonvouloir,  9;  on 


Franklin,     Benjamin — Contin 
ued. 

Committee  on  Secret  Corre 
spondence,  16;  praised,  28; 
American  representative  in 
Paris,  28,  92^;  calumniated  by 
Lee,  92;  arrives  in  Paris,  109; 
acts  with  Deane  independent 
ly  of  Lee,  in;  avoids  quarrel 
between  Lee,  Beaumarchai>, 
and  Deane,  but  suffers  from 
Lee's  ill  will,  1 12;  prejudiced 
against  Beaumarchais,  H2, 
149;  receives  abusive  letters 
from  Izard,  112;  repudiates 
transactions  anterior  to  his  ar 
rival  in  Paris,  113;  charges 
brought  against  him  by  Lee 
and  Izard,  187  ;  National 
Party  leader,  194  ;  cabal 
against,  196;  made  minister 
plenipotentiary  at  Paris,  221; 
correspondence  with  Yergen- 
nes,  227  et  seq.,  230,  231; 
repudiates  Adams's  lettered; 
condemns  Adams,  231;  his 
diplomatic  genius,  232;  chan 
nel  of  censure  of  Adams,  237, 
note;  elected  peace  commis 
sioner,  238,  note;  attempts 
to  secure  his  recall,  239;  op 
position  by  Massachusetts 
and  South  Carolina,  239; 
letter  from  Washington,  244, 
245  ;  opinion  of,  by  Yergen- 
nes,  248;  thanks  France, 
253;  mysterious  appeal  to, 
273  ;  proposition  for  opening 
negotiations,  285  et  seq.;  an 
onymous  proposition  of  pen 
sion  or  office  for,  290;  answer 
to  anonymous  communica 
tion,  291 

Freight  of  Beaumarchais's 
shipments,  how  charged, 
121 


INDEX. 


301 


French  assistance,  motive  for, 
3i,  32 

French  colonies,  England's 
greed  for,  74 

French  government,  detains 
first  American  expedition, 
106;  supplies  American  com 
missioners  with  funds,  117, 
note. 

French  influence,  opposition  to, 
215,  216 

French  legation  in  London  sup 
plies  important  information 
to  Verge nnes,  37 

French  ports,  question  of  open 
ing  to  American  ships,  13, 
15 

French  possessions  in  America, 
necessity  for  France  to  assist 
English  Colonies  in  order  to 
preserve,  75 

French  soldiers,  popularity, 250, 
251 

Girnier  watches  agitation  in 
America,  32 

Gates,  General,  adherents  in 
Virginia,  21 ;  supported  by 
Eastern  Party,  23;  offering 
'mediation  to  England,  23; 
rivalry  with  Washington, 
!73>  r74I  wins  battle  of  Sara 
toga,  IQI;  attempt  to  place 
him  at  head  of  army,  191; 
backed  by  the  Lees  and 
Adamses,  192  ;  made  presi 
dent  of  War  Committee,  193; 
mentioned  for  Ministry  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  241,  242 

Gates  and  Lee  supported  by 
Eastern  Party,  22 

George  III.,  probable  danger 
from  his  own  people,  55;  his 
stubbornness,  55;  desire  for 
peace,  64;  under  control  of 
his  people,  64;  reported  wish 
to  abandon  the  Colonies,  Si  ; 


I  George  III. — Continued. 

supposed  privy  to  mysterious 
letter  sent   to   Franklin,  271 

Georgia,  hardships  suffered  in, 
252  _ 

Germaine,  Lord,  doubts  practi 
cability  of  retaining  Ameri 
can  allegiance,  76 

German  soldiers  recommended 
for  American  service,  27 

Goezman  trial,  Beaurnarchais 
concerned  in,  40 

Gravier,  Charles.  See  VER- 
GENNES. 

Greene,  Nathaniel,  decried, 
193 

Gudin,  biographer  of  Beau- 
marchais,  158 

Guichen,  Count  de,  letter  from 
Washington,  244 

Guines,  M.  de,  proposed  recall 
from  London,  83 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  appoint 
ed  auditor  of  Beaumarchais's 
accounts,  153;  decried,  193  ; 
National  Party  leader,  194 

Hancock,  John,  party  leader 
in  Massachusetts,  19;  enmity 
to  Bowdoin  and  Adams,  19  ; 
receives  Rayneval  at  Chester, 
163;  anonymous  proposition 
of  pension  or  office  for,  288 

Harrison,  on  Committee  on 
Secret  Correspondence,  16 

Hartley,  H.  D.,  M.  P.,  friend 
of  Franklin,  28 

Hildreth,  on  cabal  against 
Washington,  191 

Holland  in  league  against  Eng 
land,  226 

"  Honest  Politician,  an,"  257 

Horse-racing,  how  considered, 
167 

Hortalez,  Roderigue,  &  Co., 
plan  of  the  commercial 
house,  57  ;  established,  90, 


;o2 


INDEX. 


Hortalez,    Roderigue  &  Co. — 

Continued. 

91 ;  opposed  by  Franklin, 
113,  note;  contract  of  United 
States  with,  ng  et  seq.;  un 
known  to  French  govern 
ment,  133.  See  also  BEAU- 

MARCHAIS. 

Howe,  General,  despoils  Quak 
ers,  179 

Tago,  a  political,  143 

Independence,  love  of,  stifled 
by  commercial  spirit  and 
luxurious  tastes,  18  ;  rallying- 
cry  of  all  parties,  24  ;  numeri 
cal  superiority  of  party  favor 
ing,  30 

India,  France  ousted  from,  31 

Indians,  promise  neutrality,  5; 
friendly  to  the  Colonies,  5; 
allied  with  Americans,  16; 
converted  to  Quakerism,  185, 
186 

Inspection  agents  appointed. 
122,  123,  128 

Interest  on  debt  due  to  Beau- 
marchais,  how  computed, 
124;  agreement  as  to,  by  the 
Colonies,  96 

International  law  defined,  6l 

Izard,  Ralph  writes  abusive  let 
ters  to  Franklin,  112;  brings 
charges  against  Franklin, 
187  ;  opinion  of,  by  Yer- 
gennes,  247,  248 

Japheth  and  Shem,  modern,  iSS 

Jay,  John,  member  of  Commit 
tee  on  Secret  Correspondence, 
16;  writes  to  Beaumarchnis, 
134,  151;  President  of  Con 
gress,  134,  151,  211,  212; 
elected  peace  commissioner, 
238,  note 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  opinion  of 
Vergennes,  35,  note;  Na 
tional  Party  leader,  194; 


Jefferson,  Thomas — Continued. 
elected  peace  commissioner, 
238,  note 

"Jerusalem  at  Philadelphia," 
"140 

"John,"  the,  sent  to  Nantes 
with  Hour  to  exchange  for 
war  material,  7 

Johnson,  on  Committee  on 
Secret  Correspondence,  16 

Kalb,  De,  sent  to  America  to 
foment  revolution,  32 

Killbuck,  Indian  chief,  state 
ment  of  his  people's  wrongs, 
186 

Kingdoms,  relations  between, 
6 1 

"  King  of  the  Rabble,"  19 

Kings,  duties  of,  defined,  61,62 

Knox,  Ilemy,  decried,  193 

Lafayette,  approved  by  Beau- 
marchais,  139,  157;  victim 
of  American  usurers,  140; 
on  the  cabal  against  Wash 
ington,  192,  193;  De  Mar- 
bois's  opinion  of,  242 

Laurens,  Colonel,  fights  due  1 
with  General  Lee,  187;  sent 
to  Paris  by  Washington,  244; 
indiscreet  conduct  of,  248; 
President  of  Congress,  197: 
elected  peace  commissioner, 
238,  note 

Lee,  Arthur,  American  repre 
sentative  in  Paris  28,  92; 
English  sympathizer,  28;  sent 
to  Europe  to  watch  events, 
37;  representative  of  Colo 
nies  in  London  76,  92 ;  appeals 
to  Beaumarchais,  for  declara 
tion  of  France's  position,  76 
etseq.;  threatens  retaliation 
if  France  does  not  give  aid, 
77,  78;  his  early  arrange 
ment  with  Beaumarchais,  91; 
agent  of  Massachusetts,  92; 


INDEX. 


3°3 


Lee,  Arthur — Continued. 

member  of  Congress,  92; 
character,  92;  calumniator  of 
Deane,  92;  traitor,  93;  arro 
gates  position  he  never  occu 
pied,  93;  rage  with  Beaumar- 
chais  and  Deane,  95;  arrives 
in  Paris,  109;  letter  to  Foreign 
Affairs  Committee,  109,  no; 
informs  Congress  that  France 
expects  no  pay  for  assistance, 
no,  but  that  Beaumarchais 
demands  pay,  no;  dares 
not  impeach  Beaumarchais's 
character,  in;  suspected  of 
treachery,  in;  his  secretary 
guilty  of  treachery,  in;  con 
demned  by  Beaumarchais, 
117;  causes  Deane's  recall, 
126;  opposition  to  Beau 
marchais,  126;  believed  by 
American  Commissioners,  as 
against  Deane,  131;  asso 
ciated  with  Paine,  136;  re 
called  from  Paris,  138;  pre 
vents  settlement  of  Beaumar 
chais's  accounts,  138;  de 
nounced  by  Beaumarchais, 
139,  141;  a  political  lago, 
143;  denounced  by  Rayne- 
val,  143;  revises  accounts  of 
Beaumarchais,  153;  brings 
charges  against  Franklin, 
187;  supports  Gates,  192; 
State-rights  Party  leader,  194; 
tie  between  him  and  Adams, 
203;  charges  against,  207; 
recall  of,  221;  nominated  for 
Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
241;  rejected  by  Luzerne,  241 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  sets  out 
for  New  York,  6;  supports 
his  brother  in  Congress,  126; 
duel  with  Laurens,  187;  sup 
ports  Gates,  192;  State-rights 
Party  leader,  194;  maintains 


Lee,  Richard    Henry — Contin 
ued. 

right  of  United  States  to 
treat  independently  with  Eng 
land,  197;  this  position  treat 
ed  with  contempt,  197;  peace 
doctrine,  Rayneval  on,  198, 
199;  writes  to  Rayneval,  199; 
opposition  to  French  influ 
ence,  202  et  seq. 

Lee  faction,  21;  employs  Paine, 

135 

Life  and  liberty  commercially 
estimated,  18 

Lisbon,  assisted  by  France  in 
rebellion  against  Spain,  70 

Livingston,  William,  Governor 
of  New  Jersey,  20;  National 
Party  leader,  194;  proposes 
separate  confederation,  238, 
239;  made  Secretary  of  State, 
252.  _ 

Lomenie,De,on  Beaumarchais's 
position,  54,  85,  86;  account 
of  Beaumarchais's  enterprise, 
87  et  seq.,  146;  opinions  of 
Beaumarchais's  transactions, 

Long  Island,  battle  of,  106 

Louis  XIII.,  interested  in  over 
throw  of  Charles  I.,  69 

Louis  XV.,  dismisses  prime 
minister  De  Choiseul,  32  ; 
plans  revenge  on  England,  66 

Louis  XVI.,  opposition  to  as 
sisting  Americans,  43;  char 
acter,  44,  45  ;  monarchical 
dislike  of  American  rebels, 
45;  Vergennes  brings  subject 
of  interference  for  America 
before  him,  45  et  seq.  ;  strong 
representations  of  Beaumar 
chais  in  favor  of  Colonies, 
59  et  seq. ;  apathy  rebuked  by 
Beaumarchais,  59  et  seq. ; 
"Protector  of  the  Rights  of 


3°4 


INDEX. 


Louis  XVI. — Continued. 

Humanity,"  163;  popularity 
in  America,  177,  178;  con 
fidence  in  Washington  and 
Franklin,  196;  address  to, 
by  Congress,  211,  212;  opin 
ion  of  Franklin,  229;  opinion 
of  Congress,  229,  230 

Luxurious  tastes^  influence  on 
love  of  independence,  18 

Luzerne,  Dela,  reports  Quakers 
as  obstructionists,  184;  cor 
respondence  of,  215;  minister 
to  United  States,  215;  visits 
Boston,  216,  243;  report  on 
sentiment  toward  French  in 
New  England,  216,  217;  cor 
respondence  on  paper  money 
question,  227,  232,  233;  dis 
cusses,  with  Livingston,  sep 
arate  confederation,  239  ; 
opinion  of  Samuel  Adams, 
240;  refuses  to  accept  Arthur 
Lee  as  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  241;  meets  Governor 
Trumbull,  243;  on  army  suf 
ferings,  243,  244;  estimate  of 
Washington,  249,  250;  has 
Livingston  made  Secretary  of 
State,  252  ;  reinstates  Paine, 
257 

Madison,  James,  National  Party 
leader,  194;  testimony  favor 
ing  Beaumarchais's  claim, 
266 

"  Magazine  of  American  His 
tory,"  quoted,  57 

Manufactures,  British,  anony 
mous  proposition  for  prefer 
ence  and  freedom  from  tax 
ation,  291 

Marat,  Paine  writes  to,  265 

Marbois,  De,  opinions  of  La 
fayette,  242;  on  State  senti 
ments,  242,  243  ;  correspon 
dence,  244 


Marie  Antoinette,  Jefferson's  es 
timate  of,  45 

"  Marriage  of  Figaro,"  40; 
charity  founded  on  proceeds 
of,  158 

Maryland,  report  on,  to  French 
government,  21  ;  commercial 
interests  in  sympathy  with 
Royalists,  21 ;  supports  Wash 
ington  in  opposition  to  East 
ern  Party,  23 

Massachusetts,  report  on,  to 
French  government,  18;  her 
"head  and  heart, "18;  fears 
about  delegated  power.  iSS; 
strong  for  independence 
and  French  alliance,  217; 
views  in  regard  to  peace, 
242 

Massachusetts  Republicans  lik 
ened  to  Carthaginians,  IS 

Maurepas,  prime  minister  un 
der  Louis  XVI.,  33;  appoints 
Vergennes  Secretaiy  of  For 
eign  Affairs,  33 

Mennonites  imprisoned  for  not 
taking  up  arms,  183 

Merchants  of  Philadelphia,  ad 
dress  to  Rayneval,  212 

Methodists  in  Pennsylvania, 
monarchical  sympathizers,  20 

Middle  States,  to  preserve  bal 
ance  of  power,  239 

Mifflin,  General,  opposition  to, 
in  Pennyslvania,  21;  supports 
dates,  192 

Million  francs  dispute.  151,  154, 
155,  268;  cleared  up  by  De 
Lomenie,  152 

Mohawks,  form  alliance  with 
Americans,  16 

Monopolists  in  Pennsylvania, 
opposition  to.  21 

Monroe,  President,  testimony 
about  Beaumarchais's  claim, 
268 


INDEX. 


Montesquieu,  defines  interna 
tional  law,  61 

Montieu,  M.,  121 

Montreal, siege  and  capitulation 
of,  2 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  opinion  of 
Jefferson,  162,  note 

Morris,  Robert,  National  Party 
leader,  194;  appointed  Secre 
tary  of  Treasury,  241 

National  credit,  lack  of,  27 

National  policy  distinguished 
from  individual  morality,  62, 
68 

Navy,  American,  prospects  of, 
15  ;  formation  of,  by  Colo 
nies,  2 

Negroes,  regarded  as  intestinal 
foes  in  Virginia,  22 

Neuville,  Hyde  de,  testimony 
about  Reaumarchais's  claim, 
268 

New  England  States,  support 
Eastern  Party,  22  ;  influence, 
238;  rivals  of  Southern  States, 

^239 

Newfoundland,  possession  of, 
ca'ise  of  party  disputes,  195 

New  Hampshire,  report  on,  to 
French  government,  17;  con 
sidered  as  of  minor  import 
ance  in  the  Confederacy,  17  ; 
the  war  a  benefit  to  her,  17 

New  Jersey,  report  on,  to 
French  government,  20  ;  he 
roic  constancy  of,  20  ;  Gover 
nor  Livingston,  20  ;  how  she 
treated  Tories,  20;  supports 
Eastern  Party,  23  ;  views  in 
regard  to  peace,  242,  243  ; 
Congress  mee's  within,  260 

Newport,  R.  I.,  held  by  Eng 
lish,  19  ;  Washington's  reply 
to  address  from  citizens,  246, 

,247, 
New  York,  Royalists  prep  ire  to 


New  York — Continued. 

blockade,  6  ;  report  on,  to 
French  government,  19  ;  in 
testinal  troubles,  19  ;  Royal 
ist  Party  in,  19  ;  supports 
Washington  in  opposition  to 
Eastern  Party,  23  ;  influence 
in  1779,  24  ;  aversion  to  pop 
ular  government,  169  ;  in 
English  possession,  232 

Norfolk,  fortified  by  Lord  Dun- 
more,  6  ;  captured  by  Colo 
nists,  6 

j  North,  Lord,  sympathizes  with 
Americans,  36,  37  ;  tired  of 
office,  53  ;  puts  responsibility 
on  Lord  Germaine,  75 

North  Carolina,  report  on,  to 
French  government,  22  ;  re 
garded  as  feeble,  22  ;  sup 
ports  "Washington  in  opposi 
tion  to  Eastern  Party,  23 

Northern  and  Southern  section 
alism,  173,  174 

Northern  climate,  effect  on  peo 
ple,  29 

Northern  rigidity  and  Southern 
sensuousness,  166,  167 

Northern  traits,  176 

Nova  Scotia,  possession  of, 
cause  of  party  disputes,  195 

Officers  enlisted  in  France,  102 

Onondagas,  form  alliance  with 
Americans,  16 

Opposition  party  in  England, 
members  threatened  with  im 
prisonment,  52  ;  intriguing  in 
Portugal,  54 

Paine,  Tom,  employed  by  Lee 
faction,  135  ;  journalist  and 
government  secietary,  135  ; 
interview  with  Rayneval,  136; 
deprived  of  office,  137  ;  em 
ployed  by  French  govern 
ment,  137;  won  ov  r  by 
Rayneval,  190;  dismissed  by 


306 


INDEX. 


Paine,  Tom — Continued. 

Rayneval,  255  ;  letter  to 
Danton,  258  ;  writes  to  Ma 
rat,  265  ;  reinstated  by  Lu- 
zerne,  257 

Paper  money,  correspondence 
on,  232,  233  ;  depreciation, 
27,  225  et  seq.,  237,  note,  260 

Payment  for  Beaumarchais's 
shipments,  how  to  be  made, 
122,  123,  124 

Peace,  against  France's  inter 
est,  82  ;  anonymous  negotia 
tions  for,  271  et  seq.;  State 
sentiments  in  regard  to,  242, 
243  ;  desired,  30 

"  Peace  or  War,"  letter  of  Beau- 
marchais  to  Louis  XVI.,  74 

Peace  question,  igoetseq. ,  205, 
206 

Penn,  Mr.,  member  from  North 
Carolina,  praises  France,  208, 
209 

Penn,  William,  Indian  views  of, 
187 

Pennsylvania,  climate  not  fa 
vorable  to  fanaticism,  20  ;  re 
port  on,  to  Fiench  govern 
ment,  20  ;  Royalists  in,  20, 
21  ;  supports  Eastern  Party, 
23;  Executive  Council  of,  ad 
dress  to  Rayneval,  212,  213  ; 
in  league  with  New  England 
States,  238 

Pensions,  recommended  as 
bribes  for  Congressional  lead 
ers,  28 

Personal  animosities,  strong  in 
fluence  in  Congress,  23 

Philadelphia,  lack  of  patriotism 
in,  20  ;  Jerusalem  at,  140  ; 
aversion  to  popular  govern 
ment,  169  ;  seat  of  Congress, 
260 

Physical  condition  of  Ameri 
cans,  29 


Pillage  by  army,  217,  218 
Pinkney,   opinion  about   Beau 
marchais's  claim,  268 
"  Pious  frauds,"  148 
Pitt,    William,    Beaumarchais's 

opinion  of,  63,  64 
Poland,  partition  of,  67,  260 
Policy     of     governments      not 

moral    law   of  citizens,   61 
Political    affairs    of     Colonies, 
report     to     French     govern 
ment  on,  17 

Political  agents  sent  from  Col 
onies  to  watch  events  in  Eu 
rope,  37 

Political  methods  discussed,   68 
Portugal,  independence  of,  70  ; 
in    league    against    England, 
226 

Presbyterian  influence,  166.  167, 
242  ;  intolerance  dreaded  by 
other  sects,  30 
President's  salary,  168 
Press,  freedom  of,  criticised,  135 
Prisoners,  sent  to  London,  16 
Privateer,  American,   captured, 

15 

"  Protector  of  the  Rights  of 
Humanity,"  163,  178 

Provisions,  etc.,  price  of,  165, 
166,  261,  262. 

Public  entertainments  forbid 
den,  166,  167 

Pulaski,  Count,  102;  account 
with  Beaumarchais,  139 

Quakers,  in  Pennsylvania,  mon 
archical  sympathizers,  20;  ac 
cused  of  aiding  enemy,  169; 
Rayneval's  opinions  of,  I78et 
seq. ;  influence  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  178  et  seq.;  agree  to 
fight  against  taxation,  178, 
179;  oppose  independence, 
179;  decry  war  taxes,  179; 
render  services  to  English, 
179;  despoiled  by  English, 


INDEX. 


3°7 


Quakers — Continued. 

179;  confer  with  Rayneval, 
iSoetseq,;  equivocation  by, 
1 84;  obstructionists,  184;  con 
vert  Indians,  185,  1 86;  ex 
communicated,  1 86 

Quebec,  siege  of,  2 

Ratification  clause  of  Beati- 
marchais's  contract,  125 

Rattlesnake,  adopted  for  Ameri 
can  arms,  15 

Rayneval,  Gerard  de,  watches 
agitation  in  America,  32;  ap 
pointed  minister  to  United 
States,  102,  132,  161 ;  receives 
instructions  from  Vergennes, 
132;  satisfies  Congress  as  to 
correctness  of  Iteaumarchais's 
operations.  134;  advised  daily 
of  Congressional  acis  affect 
ing  French  interests,  135;  let 
ter  to  Yergennes,  135;  inter 
view  with  Pa'ne,  136;  em 
ploys  Paine  in  government 
service,  i  37;  correspondence, 
161;  two  brothers  of  same 
name,  161,  note;  arrival  in 
Philadelphia,  162;  return  to 
France,  162;  correspondence 
with  Vergennes  valuable,  162, 
163;  death,  163;  character, 
163;  reception  at  Chester, 
163;  report  to  Vergennes  on 
Congress,  164  et  seq..  169  et 
seq. ;  opinions  of  Quakers, 
178  et  seq.;  conference  with 
Quakers,  l8oetseq.;  inter 
view  with  Bene/et,  182,  183; 
interview  with  Delaware  In 
dians,  1 36;  thinks  Americans 
not  ripe  for  popular  govern 
ment,  1 88;  orders  Te  Deum 
on  Independence  Day,  189; 
first  interview  with  Washing 
ton,  189;  hires  Dr.  Cooper's 
and  General  Sullivan's  pens, 


Rayneval,   Gerard  de — Contin 
ued. 

190;  on  Fishery  Question, 
195;  writes  to  Vergennes  on 
peace  question,  199;  distrusts 
Samuel  Adams,  199;  alarmed 
at  proceedings  of  Congress, 
208;  thanked  for  circumvent 
ing  Fee  and  Adams,  210;  por 
trait  painted,  210;  address 
from  Congress,  210,  21 1;  ad 
dress  from  merchants  of  Phil 
adelphia,  212;  address  from 
Executive  Council  of  Penn 
sylvania,  212,  213;  confidant 
of  military  affairs,  240;  opin 
ion  of  Connecticut,  243;  dis 
misses  Paine,  257 

Reed,  Joseph,  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania, 2 1 ;  secret  oppo 
sition  to,  21 ;  president  of  Ex 
ecutive  Council,  177,  213;  let 
ter  from  Washington, 24 5, 246 

"  Reflexions  Politiques  d'un 
Citoyen,"  27 

Republican  Party,  outspoken 
p.itriotism,  26;  in  Massachu 
setts,  18 

Retaliation  threatened  if  France 
does  not  aid  Colonies,  77,  78 

Revolution  in  France,  154 

Rhode  Island,  report  on,  to 
French  government,  19;  no 
influence  in  Colonies  while 
Newport  held  by  English,  19 

Richelieu,     Cardinal,    share    in 
i       overthrow  of  Charles  I.,  69 

Richelieu,  Dtic  de.  268 

Rochford,  Lord,  friendly  rela 
tions  with  Deaumarchais,  40, 
42;  alarm  over  condition  of 
English  affairs,  52 

Rockingham,  Lord,  probable 
result  of  his  supplanting 
North,  54;  disposition  to 
ward  France,  Si 


308 


INDEX. 


Rodney,  Caesar,  opinion  about 
Beaumarchais's  claim,  268 

Roman  Catholic  celebration  of 
Independence,  189 

Rouerie,  Marquis  de,  102 

Royalist  Party  in  New  York, 
kept  in  check  by  American 
nnny,  ig 

Royalists,  opinions  and  meth 
ods,  25 

Russia,  favored  by  England  at 
expense  of  France,  65;  in 
league  against  England,  226 

Sainte- Beuve's  opinion  of  Beau 
marchais's  arguments  to 
Louis  XVI.,  78,  79 

"Saint  John,"  the  ship.  See 
JOHN 

Salt,  price  of,  262 

' '  Salus  populi  suprema  lex,"  63 

Saratoga,  battle  of,  191 

Sartines,  M.  de,  messenger 
from  Beaumarchais  to  Louis 
XVI.,  55 

Schweighauser,  J.  D.,  con 
signee  of  the  "John,"  7 

Search,  right  of,  31,  65 

Secret  Correspondence,  Com 
mittee  on, propositions  to  Bon- 
vouloir,  12,  13 

Secret  treaty  of  commerce  of 
fered  to  France  in  return  for 
assistance,  77 

Senecas,  form  alliance  with 
Americans,  16 

Senegal,  cession  of,  to  Eng 
land,  31 

Seven  Years'  War,  its  conse 
quences,  31 

Shelburne,  Lord,  English  party 
leader,  75  ,  disposition  to 
ward  France,  8 1 

Shem  and  Japheth,  modern,  188 

Ships  for  conveying  munitions, 
etc.,  how  chartered,  122 

Slave  trade,  67 


Smith,  Colonel,  supplants  Lee, 

206 

i   Solon,  his  ideas  of  legislation, 
68,  69 

South  Carolina,  report  on,  to 
French  government,  22;  gov 
ernor  hangs  himself,  22  ;  sup 
ports  Eastern  Party,  23 

Southern  climate,  enervating 
influence  of,  29 

Southern  influence  in  Congress, 
171 

Southern  States  rivals  of  New 
England  States,  239 

Spain,  looked  to  for  aid  at  sea, 
6;  promises  to  assist  Colonies, 
78  ;  interests  in  interference 
for  Colonies,  47  ;  pact  be 
tween  France  and,  67  ;  en 
deavors  to  enlist  sympathies, 
87 ;  contributes  a  million 
francs  to  Beaumarchais's 
scheme,  89  ;  roundabout 
method  of  payment,  89,  go  ; 
receipt  for  money,  90  ;  efforts 
to  bring  her  into  alliance, 
195  ;  sends  supplies,  250 

Sparks,  Jared,  opinion  of  Lee, 
92 

"Spectacles"  forbidden,  167 

State  and  Federal  relations, 
170,  171,  194 

State  rights,  207 

State's  evidence,  illustration,  70, 

71 

States,  animosities  between,  in 
fluence  in  Congress,  23 

Steuben,  Count,  102  ;  Beau 
marchais's  letter  introducing, 
102,  103  ;  indebted  to  Beau 
marchais,  140,  note  ;  tulo- 
gized,  140,  157  ;  inspector- 
general  of  American  forces, 
140 

Stock ;ngs,  pric^  of,  260 

Stony  Point,  action  at,  25 


INDEX. 


3°9 


Stormont,  Lord,  dangerous 
enemy  to  France  in  capacity 
as  ambassador,  83  ;  kept  ig 
norant  of  French  govern 
ment's  support  of  Beaumar- 
chais's  scheme,  91  ;  protests 
again>t  shipment  of  war  ma 
terial,  106  ;  vigilance  of,  115, 
116 

Sullivan,  General,  excites  public 
sentiment  against  France, 
190  ;  won  over  by  Rayneval, 
190  ;  patriotism,  201  ;  in  pay 
of  France,  238,  note  ;  eulo 
gized,  252 

'•Sumnuim  jus,  summa  inju- 
iia,"  59,  71 

Switzerland  in  league  against 
England,  226 

Tame,  on  French  Revolution, 
258 

Talleyrand  presents  Beaumar- 
chais's  claims  for  settlement, 
155-'  156 

Taxation,  demanded  by  the 
people,  27  ;  unjust,  motive 
for  Revolution,  32 

Temple,  suspected  spy,  197 

Thomson,  Charles,  Secretary 
of  Congress,  126,  212 

Tories,  a  strong  power  in 
Colonies,  7;  prosecuted  as 
State  criminals  in  New  Jer 
sey,  20  ;  insolence  of,  169  ; 
how  treated,  170,  171  ;  ranks 
strengthened  by  Quakers, 184; 
levied  on  for  supplies,  218 

Transports,   English,  captured, 

15 
Treaties,    sacredness   in    Beau- 

marchais's  opinion,  62  et  seq. 
Treaty  of  amity  and  commerce, 

161" 

Treaty  of  1763,  31 
Troops,   Colonial,    strength,  9  ; 

Bonvouloir's  estimate,  9 


Trumbull,  Governor,  "the 
brains  of  Connecticut,"  19  ; 
views  on  period  of  enlistment, 
243  ;  letter  from  Washing 
ton,  246 

Tuscaroras,  form  alliance  with 
Americans,  16 

United  States,  asks  assistance 
from  France,  47  ;  responsi 
bility  for  advances  not  con 
sidered  at  outset,  90  ;  Beau- 
marchais  relies  on  integrity 
of,  117  ;  illy  supplies  its  rep 
resentatives,  117, note;  makes 
contract  with  Beaumarchais, 
118  et  seq.;  considered  them 
selves  indebted  to  Louis 
XVI.  alone,  130 

Valley  Forge,  sufferings  at,  191 

Vergennes,  Count  de,  instruc 
tions  to  Bonvouloir,  I  ;  ac 
tive  friend  to  Colonies,  32  ; 
birth,  diplomatic  services, 
character,  and  political  offices, 
33,  34-36  ;  policy  against 
England,  34  ;  retaliates 
against  England  by  unscru 
pulous  methods,  34  ;  Jeffer 
son's  estimate  of,  35,  note; 
utilizes  Choiseul's  informa 
tion,  36  ;  assisted  by  oppo 
nents  of  American  cause  in 
England,  36,  37  ;  receives 
valuable  assistance  from 
Beaumarchais,  37  ;  espouses 
cause  of  American  Colonies, 
45  et  seq.;  motives  of  inter 
est  for  this  step,  46  et  seq. ; 
estimates  resources  of  Colo 
nies,  47  ;  sends  report  to 
Louis  XVI.  by  Beaumarchais, 
48  ;  reply  to  Beaumarchais's 
impatient  letter,  56  ;  his  pol 
icy  accepted  by  Louis  XVI., 
85;  understanding  with  Beau 
marchais  as  to  aid  to  Colo- 


3io 


INDEX, 


Vergennes,     Count      de — Con- 
tinued. 

nies,  87  ;  orders  payment  of 
subsidies  to  Beaumarchais, 
89  ;  privy  to  acts  of  Beau 
marchais  and  Deane,  101  ; 
distrusts  Lee,  in  ;  appealed 
to  by  American  Commission 
ers  at  Paris,  127  et  seq.; 
encourages  Beaumarchais, 
while  officially  discounten 
ancing  him,  115  ;  placed  in 
peculiar  position,  132  ;  in 
structs  Rayneval  as  to  French 
government's  position,  132  ; 
states  that  no  material  was 
furnished  by  the  King,  133  ; 
sends  Dubourg's  letter  to 
Beaumarchais,  146  ;  letter  to 
Luzerne  on  affairs  in  Amer 
ica,  215,  216  ;  correspond 
ence  with  John  Adams,  221, 
227  ;  correspondence  with 
Franklin,  227  et  seq.,  230  ; 
loses  patience  with  Adams, 
230;  opinion  of  John  Adams, 

232  et   seq.;   correspondence 
on  paper  money  question, 232, 

233  ;  dismisses  John  Adams, 

234  !  opposes  John   Adams, 
235.  23°  !  breaks  off  negotia 
tions  with  Adams,  237,  note  ; 
letter  from  De   Marbois,   on 
Lafayette,   242  ;    opinion   of 
Franklin,    248  ;     opinion    of 
Izard,    247,    248  ;    advances 
money  to  Franklin,  249 

Vermont,  separation  of,  from 
New  York,  19,  20  ;  the  peo 
ple  described,  19,  20 

Virginia,  report  on,  to  French 
government,  21  ;  intense  ha 
tred  of  England,  21  ;  divi 
sion  of  parties  in,  21  ;  sup 
ports  Washington  in  op 
position  to  Eastern  Party,  23 


War  expenses,  how  should  be 
defrayed,  27 

War  material,  proposed  ex 
change  of  American  products 
for,  7,  13,  14  ;  the  quality 
furnished  by  Beaumarchais, 
97,  note  ;  Beaumarchais's 
first  shipment,  99  ;  collected 
in  France  and  shipped,  101, 
102 

Washington,  General,  threat 
ens  retaliation  on  English 
prisoners,  16  ;  adherents  in 
Virginia,  21  ;  personal  influ 
ence,  22  ;  likened  to  a  phy 
sician  for  the  country,  25  ; 
the  "  Atlas  of  America,"  26; 
integrity,  27  ;  rivalry  with 
Gates,  173,  174  ;  first  inter 
view  with  Rayneval,  189  ; 
cabal  against,  190  et  seq.; 
attempts  to  displace,  191  ; 
successes  in  New  Jersey 
modify  feeling  against  him, 
191  ;  military  supremacy  op 
posed,  191,  192  ;  offers  resig 
nation,  193  :  National  Party 
leader,  194  ;  lack  of  personal 
ambition,  205  ;  dread  of  his 
influence,  219  ;  abnegation, 
patience,  and  wisdom,  232  ; 
opposed  by  Samuel  Adams, 
234,  235  ;  keeps  military 
affairs  secret,  240  ;  rules  out 
Gates  for  ministry  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  241,  242  ;  letter  to 
Count  de  Guichen,  244  ;  let 
ter  to  Franklin,  244,  245  ; 
fears  for  American  liberty, 
245  ;  letter  to  Joseph  Reed, 

245,  246  ;     letter    to    Gov. 
Trumbull,  246  ;    reply  to  ad 
dress  from  Newport  citizens, 

246,  247  ;  Luzerne's  estimate 
of,  249,  250  ;    icported  to  be 
made  king,  252  ;  anonymous 


INDEX. 


311 


Washington,  Gen. — Continued, 
proposition  of  pension  or  of 
fice  for,  290 

Wealth  unsuitable  soil  for  inde 
pendent  principles,  21 

Weissenstein,  Count  de,  271 
et  seq. 

West  Indies,  French,  cession 
of,  to  England,  31  ;  Beau- 
marchais's  concern  about  los 
ing  French  possessions,  80 
et  seq. 


Wilkes,  John,  virulent  oppo 
nent  of  Tory  ministry,  42  ; 
house  in  London  resort 
for  malcontents,  42,  92  ; 
opinion  of  George  III.,  52, 

53 
Wilson,  James,    opposition  to, 

in  Pennsylvania,  21 
Witherspoon,  John,  member  of 

Congress,  165 
Yorktown,  siege  of,  253 
"  Zephyr,"  the,    privateer,   138 


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